i£x  Sltbrta 


SEYMOUR  DURST 


IVhen  you  leave,  please  leave  this  hook 

Because  it  has  heen  said 
"Ever'thing  comes  t'  him  who  waits 

Except  a  loaned  book." 


Avery  Architectural  and  Fine  Arts  Library 
Gift  of  Seymour  B.  Durst  Old  York  Library 


THE  BATTLE  OF  HARLExM  HEIGHTS 


Colonel  Thomas  Knowlton 


From  Trumbull's  paintinc}  of  the 
Battle  of  Bunker  Hill. 


1 

Digitized  by 

the  Internet  Archive 

in  2013 

http://archive.org/details/battleofharlemheOOjohn_0 


THE 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 

September  16,  1776 

WITH  A  BE  VIEW  OF  THE  EVENTS  OF 
THE  CAMPAIGN 


BY 

HENRY  P.  JOHNSTON,  A.M. 

PROFESSOR  OF  HISTORY,  COLLEGE  OF  THE  CITY  OF  NEW  YORK 


PUBLISHED  FOR  THE  COLUMBIA  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

THE  MACMILLAN  COMPANY 

LONDON:  MACMILLAN  &  CO.,  Ltd. 
1897 


All  rights  reserved 


COPYBIOHT,  1897, 

By  the  MACMILLAN  COMPANY. 


J.  S.  Gushing  4c  Co.  -  Berwick  k  Smith 
Norwood  MasB.  U.S.A. 


PREFACE 


"HAT  we  have  come  to  know  as  the  Battle 


'  '  of  Harlem  Heights  "  was  one  of  those  minor 
successes  in  our  Revolutionary  ^yar  which  counted 
for  much  in  stimulating  the  drooping  spirits  of  the 
American  soldier  or  in  effectually  disturbing  the 
plans  of  the  enemy. 

That  Washington  should  speak  of  it  as  having 
cheered  his  men  "  prodigiously "  during  an  other- 
wise depressing  campaign  would  alone  excite  our 
interest  in  its  details.  If  it  cannot  be  quite  classed 
with  such  happy  strokes  as  Bennington  or  Oriskany, 
or  with  Stony  Point  or  Cowpens  or  King's  Moun- 
tain, it  had  at  least  a  special  place  and  significance 
of  its  own.  We  seem  bound  to  appreciate  it  as 
highly  as  the  records  show  it  to  have  been  appre- 
ciated by  the  men  of  the  time.  It  was  a  stirring 
open-field  affair,  coming  as  a  surprise  and  a  check 
upon  the  enemy's  pride,  and  calling  out  that  recu- 
perative power  and  manly  courage  of  the  as  yet 
untrained  Continental,  which,  with  added  experi- 
ence, will  stand  him  in  good  stead  all  through  the 
Revolution.  Not  since  Lexington  and  Concord, 
seventeen  months  before,  had  he  enjoyed  a  chase 
of  the  regulars.  At  Harlem  Heights  it  was  to  be  on 
a  smaller  scale  and  less  disastrous  to  the  invader, 


V 


PREFACE 


but  on  the  other  hand  with  more  form  as  an  action, 
and  on  more  even  terms  as  it  progressed  for  a  mile 
up  and  down  hill  and  over  fields  and  fences  and 
through  lanes  and  orchards.  Here,  also,  there  were 
to  be  brave  and  costly  sacrifices.  Without  the  asso- 
ciation of  the  names  of  Knowlton  and  of  Leitch  the 
battle  would  lose  something  of  its  meaning. 

It  is  not  a  little  singular  that  no  adequate  account 
of  this  engagement  appeared  until  a  comparatively 
recent  date ;  and  only  within  a  few  years  has  its  site 
been  fixed  with  any  degree  of  precision.  On  the 
occurrence  of  its  centennial  anniversary,  September 
16,  1876,  the  Historical  Society  of  New  York  cele- 
brated the  event  with  appropriate  ceremonies  on 
Morningside  Heights,  on  what  was  then  supposed 
to  be  the  battle-field,  to  the  east  of  the  new  grounds 
of  Columbia  University,  thus  recognizing  the  local 
prominence  it  merited.  The  late  Hon.  John  Jay 
delivered  the  address  of  the  day,  which  was  subse- 
quently published  with  an  appendix  containing  all 
the  letters  and  documents  obtainable  throwing  any 
light  upon  the  battle.  Some  descriptions  of  the 
"  affair,"  as  an  occasional  Revolutionary  writer 
speaks  of  it,  had  previously  appeared,  to  which 
reference  will  be  made  in  another  connection ;  but 
the  Jay  publication  supplanted  all,  as  the  founda- 
tion or  starting  point  for  any  further  investigation. 
The  documents  in  the  case,  it  should  be  said,  were 
collected  by  the  former  and  present  librarians  of  the 
Historical  Society,  Mr.  Stevens  and  Mr.  Kelby,  to 


PREFACE 


vii 


whose  interest  and  efforts  in  restoring  the  action  to 
its  proper  place  m  our  history  we  must  cordially 
acknowledge  our  obligations. 

In  adding  still  another  version  to  the  literature  of 
this  battle  the  present  writer  has  a  threefold  object. 
First,  to  bring  together  all  the  authorities  in  conven- 
ient form  for  local  reference,  including  most  of  the 
documents  in  the  Jay  publication  as  well  as  addi- 
tional material  since  gathered  by  Mr.  Kelby  and 
published  in  the  "  Magazine  of  American  History," 
and  some  new  papers  which  the  writer  himself  has 
been  able  to  secure.  Second,  and  more  important, 
to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  upon  a  re-reading 
of  all  the  authorities  and  a  close  examination  of  the 
topography  and  landmarks  of  the  field  as  reproduced 
from  contemporary  surveys,  we  must  fight  the  battle 
on  the  west  and  not,  as  heretofore,  on  the  east  side 
of  Morningside  Heights.  And  tlmd,  to  introduce 
the  new  details  into  the  account  and  enlarge  the 
picture.  The  more  we  know  of  the  day's  work  the 
better  we  understand  why  the  participants  were 
greatly  inspirited  by  it. 

The  representation  of  Knowlton  in  the  frontispiece 
has  been  reproduced  from  Trumbull's  painting  of  the 
Battle  of  Bunker  Hill  in  the  "VYadsworth  AthenoBum 
at  Hartford,  Connecticut.  While  not  authenticated 
as  a  portrait,  it  has  its  interest  and  charm  as  the 
painter's  ideal  of  one  of  the  heroes  of  the  rail  fence 
in  that  action,  and  in  turn  we  may  accept  it  as  our 
own  ideal  of  the  gallant  leader  who  lost  his  life  at 


viii 


PREFACE 


Harlem  Heights.  The  maps  are  facsimiles  of  origi- 
nal draughts  or  prints,  or  compilations  prepared  with 
care  from  authentic  sources.  All  are  new  and  are 
presented  here  for  the  first  time.  In  the  "  Plan  "  of 
the  battle-field,  the  heights,  the  farm  lines,  the  loca- 
tion of  the  only  three  houses  on  the  site,  the  lanes, 
the  orchard,  the  Hollow  Way,  the  "Fly,"  and  the 
woods,  referred  to  in  the  early  accounts,  have  been 
located  from  deeds,  surveys,  and  other  official  docu- 
ments identifying  each  point. 

As  associated  with  the  local  history  of  this  city,  we 
may  be  pardoned  for  making  the  most  of  the  battle 
that  the  facts  will  permit.  It  was  our  one  Revolution- 
ary success,  —  and  not  a  slight  one  if  it  came  at  the 
right  moment  to  restore  confidence  to  our  army,  if 
it  encouraged  Washington  when  his  anxiety  was  the 
greatest,  if  it  made  the  enemy  a  little  more  wary  and 
again  delayed  his  advance,  and  if,  as  we  follow  many 
of  the  same  men  engaged,  to  the  banks  of  the  Dela- 
ware, we  see  it  foreshadowing  the  possibility  of 
Trenton  and  Princeton  with  which  the  gloomy  year 
closed  so  brightly.  The  site  of  the  battle-field,  too. 
it  is  gratifying  to  know,  is  w^ell  defined,  beyond 
all  possibility  of  doubt.  We  must  believe  the  eye- 
witnesses and  participants  of  1776  w^ho  tell  us  that 
the  action  took  place  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson 
River  betw^een  old  Nicholas  Jones'  house  and  the 
Hollow  Way.  Farmers  Hoaglandt  and  Vandewater, 
over  whose  fields  the  exciting  encounter  had  its 
run,  would  confirm  them.    Those  fields  have  been 


PREFACE 


ix 


converted  to-day  into  one  of  the  most  attractive 
sections  of  the  city.  If  any  lover  of  American 
history,  if  any  school-boy,  if  "  Mr.  Felix  Oldboy," 
wishes  to  follow  our  Harlem  Battle  from  point  to 
point,  let  him  go  to  Morningside  Heights  and  walk 
along  the  Boulevard  and  the  Riverside  Drive  and 
Claremont  Avenue,  or  stand  on  the  grounds  of  Co- 
lumbia University  and  Barnard  College,  or  look 
down  the  eastern  slope  of  the  hill  on  which  the 
mausoleum  of  the  great  Union  Soldier  stands,  and 
there  he  will  find  himself  in  some  sort  of  touch  with 
the  men  to  w^hose  good  performance  on  September 
16,  1776,  the  pages  of  this  little  work  are  devoted. 

New  York  City,  July  1, 1897. 


CONTENTS 


Preface    v 

I 

Opening  of  the  Campaign  —  Battle  of  Long  Island  — 

Retreat  to  Xew  York  1 


n 

Capture  of  New  York  by  the  British — Kip's  Bay  Affair 

—  Narrow  Escape  of  Silliman's  Brigade    ...  26 

m 

Position  of  the  Two  Armies  September  16th  —  Colonel 


Knowlton  and  his  Rangers  44 

IV 

The  Battle  of  Harlem  Heights  ......  56 

Y 

Subsequent  Events  —  The  Rangers  and  Fort  Washing- 
ton—  Trenton  and  Princeton  92 


Previous  Versions  of  the  Battle  —  Additional  Refer- 
ences TO  THE  Site  101 

Authorities  —  American,  British,  and  Hessian       .      .  125 

xi 


LIST  OF  MAPS  AND  ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGE 

Colonel  Thomas  Knowlton.    From  Trumbull's  Painting 


OF  Bunker  Hill  Frontispiece 

Position  of  the  King's  Army  on  Manhattan  Island  on 


THE  Evening  of  September  15,  1776  (Map)  . 

.  opp. 

46 

Position  of  the  Two  Armies  near  Harlem  from  Sep- 

tember 16  TO  October  12,  1776  (Map)  . 

.  opp. 

50 

Site  of  Jones'  House,  where  the  Skirmishing 

BEGAN 

AND  the  Battle  ended  

.  opp. 

60 

Plan  of  the  Battle  of  Harlem  Heights  . 

.  opp. 

70 

Site  of  Knowlton's  Flank  Attack 

.  opp. 

78 

Field  where  the  Principal  Action  was  Fought 

.  opp. 

88 

On  the  Old  Bloomingdale  Road  .... 

.  opp. 

98 

The  Stiles'  Sketch  of  the  Battle-field  . 

.  opp. 

116 

Site  of  "  Martje  David's  Fly  "     .       .       .  . 

.  opp. 

122 

zii 


I 


OPENING  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN  —  BATTLE  OF  LONG 
ISLAND  RETREAT  TO  NEW  YORK 

riHE  campaign  of  1776  around  New  York  pre- 


sents  a  more  interesting  study,  and  offers 
more  "  nuts  for  the  historian  to  crack,"  than  any 
other  of  the  War  of  the  Revolution.  Some  criticism, 
in  fact,  goes  the  length  of  asking,  Why  any  cam- 
paign at  all  in  this  vicinity  ? 

One  unexpected  development  of  it  was  that  the 
personal  reputation  most  seriously  damaged  proved 
to  be  that  of  the  victorious  British  general  and  not 
of  the  defeated  and  all  but  ruined  Washington. 
Howe  was  to  undergo  Parliamentary  ^investigation," 
while  Washington  came  no  nearer  that  experience 
than  to  be  tried  in  the  jealous  imaginings  of  the 
later  Conway  Cabal.  In  their  accounts  of  this 
year's  events  both  English  and  American  writers 
dwell  upon  the  missing  of  a  great  opportunity  on 
Howe's  part  to  crush  his  opponent  outright  and  end 
the  rebellion ;  and  under  the  shelter  of  this  judg- 
ment the  generalship  of  the  American  commander 
escapes  review.  Neither  set  of  writers  shows  a 
disposition  to  push  Washington  to  the  wall  when 
Howe  did  not,  while  the  opinions  of  both,  at  least 
in  part,  are  perhaps  best  reflected  by  Professor  Gold- 

B  1 


2  BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 

win  Smith  in  his  recent  study  of  our  history,  where 
lie  says :  "  The  King  had  no  general.  Wolfe  and 
Clive  were  gone.  Moore  was  a  boy,  Wellington  a 
child,  and  India  claimed  Eyre  Coote.  Cornwallis 
was  energetic  and  enterprising ;  he  reaped  laurels 
afterwards  in  India.  Had  he  or  Sir  Guy  Carleton 
commanded  in  chief  there  might  have  been  a  differ- 
ent tale  to  tell.  Howe,  who  did  command  in  chief, 
though  brave,  was  torpid ;  probably  he  was  not  only 
torpid  but  half-hearted.  .  .  .  Had  he  followed  up 
his  victory  [on  Long  Island]  there  probably  would 
have  been  an  end  of  the  Continental  army,  whatever 
local  resistance  might  have  survived.  But  Howe, 
there  can  be  little  doubt,  was  wavering  as  well  as 
lethargic,  and  instead  of  pressing  his  enemy  he  went 
to  luncheon.  .  .  .  His  subsequent  conduct  seems  to 
have  been  marked  with  a  sluggishness  and  irresolu- 
tion which  the  energy  of  his  lieutenant,  Cornwallis, 
could  not  redeem.  Washington  was  allowed  to 
pluck  victory  and  reputation  out  of  the  jaws  of 
defeat." ' 

W^hether  this  unceremonious  handling  of  the  Brit- 
ish commander-in-chief  has  been  altogether  just  or 
not,  depends  upon  the  historian's  estimate  of  Wash- 
ington's management  of  his  own  side  of  the  cam- 
paign. In  a  way  it  is  a  question  of  fact.  If  Howe 
missed  an  opportunity,  how  came  Washington  to 
ofer  it  to  him  ?    Was  the  opportunity  all  that  has 

1  "  The  United  States  —  An  Outline  of  Political  History,  1492- 
1871."    By  Goldwin  Smith,  D.C.L.    pp.  85,  94. 


NEW  YORK  TO  BE  HELD 


3 


been  claimed  for  it  ?  One  can  detect  a  tendency  in 
the  modern  criticism  of  our  Revolutionary  events  to 
examine  these  points  more  in  the  scientific  than  the 
traditional  spirit,  and  make  the  interest  of  this  cam- 
paign turn  as  much  upon  the  merits  and  defects  of 
Washington's  generalship  as  upon  the  shortcomings 
of  Howe.  Assuming  that  the  leader  of  the  American 
cause,  whose  personal  activity  and  vigilance  w^ere 
never  more  constant  than  in  this  year  of  disasters, 
committed  certain  errors  in  his  efforts  to  defend  New 
York,  we  have  a  field  for  discussion  here  as  to  their 
pivotal  character,  the  ways  in  which  they  might  have 
been  avoided,  and  the  sufficiency  of  the  enemy's  rea- 
sons for  failing  to  take  advantage  of  them.  These 
points  bear  upon  the  place  we  are  to  give  the  Battle 
of  Harlem  Heights  in  the  campaign. 

The  larger  question,  whether  the  attempt  to  hold 
New  York  at  all  against  an  enemy  who,  sooner  or 
later,  could  control  the  waters  surrounding  it,  was 
wise  policy,  involves  so  much  more  than  the  decision 
of  any  one  man,  even  the  commander-in-chief,  that 
criticism  affecting  him  individually  needs  always  to 
be  qualified.  Barring  a  few  objectors,  there  was  but 
one  opinion  in  the  matter  at  the  time.  Not  to  make 
a  vigorous  effort,  be  the  difficulties  great  or  small,  to 
retain  the  principal  commercial  port  in  the  colonies, 
whose  possession  would  be  of  immense  advantage  to 
the  British,  never  occurred  to  tlie  Americans.  There 
were  sound  reasons  for  this.  The  defence  of  the  soil, 
the  protection  of  a  population,  and  the  control  of  the 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


Hudson  at  its  mouth  as  long  as  possible  to  secure 
interior  lines,  were  necessarily  self-imposed.  From 
the  political  or  revolutionary  standpoint,  the  interests 
of  soil  and  population  constituted  the  "  cause."  To 
abandon  either  to  any  great  extent  was  to  weaken 
it.  New  York  was  the  centre  of  a  population  num- 
bering more  than  forty  thousand  souls,  if  we  include 
that  of  Long  Island,  Westchester  County,  and  the 
New  Jersey  environs,  which  would  be  controlled  by 
the  power  controlling  the  city.  To  surrender  this  at 
the  outset  of  the  struggle  as  a  free  gift  to  the  enemy, 
would  have  been  as  impolitic  in  itself  as  it  would 
have  been  impolitic  in  its  effect  upon  other  seaboard 
populations,  which  inevitably  would  have  taken  the 
alarm.  It  was  of  no  consequence  what  the  sympa- 
thies of  the  population  might  be.  If  it  was  wholly 
Tory  or  Loyalist,  it  could  legitimately  be  made  to 
feel  the  pressure  of  the  war ;  if  a  certain  proportion, 
more  or  less,  was  ardently  Revolutionary  or  Whig, 
its  defence  was  a  matter  of  duty  and  honor.  The 
liability  of  imperilling  the  whole  in  protecting  a  part 
could  be  considered  when  the  critical  moment  came. 

The  relation  of  the  population  of  New  York  to  the 
war  —  its  political  sympathies  at  the  outbreak,  as 
well  as  its  distribution  during  the  contest  —  is  full  of 
interest,  and  remains  yet  to  be  carefully  studied. 
Whatever  elements  went  to  make  it  up,  —  call  it 
cosmopolitan,  if  we  please,  —  it  is  certain  that  no 
place  in  the  colonies  in  its  combined  aspects  was 
more  distinctively  English.    In  no  place,  for  example, 


POPULATION  AND  GOVERNMENT 


5 


would  a  typical  Londoner  have  found  himself  more 
at  home ;  for  while  hinting  at  its  provincialism  as  a 
matter  of  course,  he  would  have  noted  its  general 
English  air,  and  felt  its  sympathetic  English  pulse. 
In  its  forms  of  government  as  the  capital  of  the 
province,  and  a  chartered  city,  its  relationship  was 
unmistakable.  The  governor,  in  his  mansion  within 
the  fort  at  the  Battery,  kept  up  his  suite  and  state  as 
the  king's  representative  governing  by  "  instructions." 
He  had  his  council  of  twelve,  his  coach  and  four, 
and  was  the  centre  of  a  sort  of  court  society.  How- 
ever objectionable  personally  he  might  prove  to  be  at 
times,  he  was  the  sovereign's  appointee,  and  was 
bound  to  receive  much  formal  respect.  Whenever 
the  Provincial  Assembly  was  elected  in  response  to 
his  "summons"  and  convened  in  the  city  hall  in 
Wall  Street,  the  Speaker  was  chosen  and  approved 
with  all  the  ceremonies  observed  in  the  House  of 
Commons.  The  Assembly  addressed  the  governor, 
and  the  governor  addressed  the  Assembly,  which, 
thereupon,  proceeded  to  business.  This  was  all  famil- 
iar and  regular,  in  fact  quite  ancient  and  custom- 
ary." That  Assembly,  more  often  than  not,  would 
continue  English  precedent  by  immediately  develop- 
ing a  stout  opposition  "  faction  or  majority,  as  the 
case  might  be,  and  then,  upon  voting  a  niggardly 
civil  budget  wherein  the  governor's  salary  was  con- 
cerned, be  promptly  adjourned,  prorogued,  or  dissolved. 

The  city  government,  as  an  example  of  an  anti- 
quated form,  was  also  thoroughly  English.    It  was  a 


6 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


Stuart  product.  The  charter  granted  to  us  in  1730 
during  Governor  Montgomerie's  term,  as  a  modifica- 
tion of  an  earlier  instrument,  was  modelled  upon  the 
close  corporation  charters  which  had  been  imposed 
by  Kings  Charles  and  James  Second  upon  so  many 
English  municipalities.  Its  leading  provisions  were 
restrictive.  The  mayor  was  not  to  be  elected  by  the 
citizens,  but  appointed  by  the  governor,  and  citizen- 
ship with  the  right  to  vote  was  limited  to  property 
holders  and  such  others  of  any  class  upon  whom  the 
common  council  might  confer  the  "  freedom  of  the 
city."  The  mayor's  court,  the  recorder's  desk,  and 
the  aldermen  with  their  ordinances,  licenses,  fees,  and 
fines,  were  the  same  set  pieces  of  local  government 
machinery  that  might  have  been  found,  with  some 
few  exceptions,  in  any  mossy  borough  of  old  England. 
As  at  home,  the  written  ballot  was  unknown  in  pub- 
lic elections  and  men  voted  in  the  good  old  manly 
fashion  with  "  the  open  voyce."  Everything  worked 
well  enough  around  our  Colonial  city  hall,  and  no 
one  complained.  Inherited  English  forms  were  not 
to  be  changed.  Among  the  exceptions,  London  was 
somewhat  freer,  its  privileges  a  trifle  more  popular ; 
but  New  York  never  called  for  charter  revision  even 
in  Stamp  Act  and  Independence"  times,  nor  indeed 
until  many  years  after  the  Revolution. 

Socially,  the  dividing  lines  were  marked  as  strongly 
as  in  the  mother  country.  The  landed  gentry  were 
English  gentlemen,  no  matter  whether  of  Dutch  or 
Huguenot  descent,  and  they  were  numerous  and 


SOCIAL  ASPECTS 


7 


influential.  One  has  only  to  glance  at  the  well- 
known  and  accurate  Ratzer  plan  of  Manhattan 
Island  as  far  north  as  Fiftieth  Street,  published  in 
1766,  to  see  how  all  the  choice  sites  ^vere  taken 
up  by  the  wealthy  and  established  families.  For 
country  seats  the  refreshing  water  front  was  sought 
first  of  all,  and  the  most  "elegant"  among  them  — 
so  described  by  English  travellers  of  the  time  —  were 
to  be  found  on  the  banks  and  slopes  of  the  North  and 
East  rivers,  which  to-day  are  devoted  to  factories, 
tenements,  and  dockyards.  Except  along  the  main 
highway  —  the  Bowery  and  Kingsbridge  road  —  few 
mansions  were  erected  in  the  centre  of  the  island. 
The  rough  site  of  Central  Park  was  then  untouched 
and  was  much  of  it  borne  on  the  surveys  as  the 
"  Common  Lands "  of  the  city.  Taken  as  a  body 
this  New  York  aristocracy  was  the  richest  in  America 
and  through  its  commercial  and  official  relations  kept 
more  in  touch  with  the  prevalent  notions  and  fashions 
of  the  corresponding  social  grade  at  home.  This  was 
true  of  all,  even  of  the  better  Dutch  element,  which 
by  lapse  of  time  and  intermarriage  was  practically 
losing  its  identity.  By  the  time  of  the  Revolution 
the  New  Yorkers  knew  themselves  only  as  English- 
men. The  nationality  of  the  city  was  fixed.  Every 
change  and  movement,  even  of  minor  importance, 
indicated  the  drift.  Dutch  street  names  began  to  dis- 
appear and  English  preference  and  ascendency  were 
shown  in  such  ne^v  names  as  Crown,  King,  Queen, 
Prince,  Princess,  Duke,  Whitehall,  Ann,  George,  Eliza- 


8 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


beth,  Greenwich,  William,  Exchange,  and  others.  The 
two  public  gardens  of  the  city,  Vauxhall "  and  "  Rane- 
lagh,"  were  named  after  similar  resorts  in  London. 
And,  finally,  there  was  the  English  church.  Trinity 
and  its  parishes,  which  visibly  emphasized  the  union 
of  the  mother  church  and  state  in  the  minds  of  a 
large  proportion  of  the  residents. 

That  a  city  so  constituted  and  educated,  with  so 
much  in  its  traditions,  forms,  customs,  natural  incli- 
nations, and  prospects  to  draw  it  closely  to  home 
associations,  should  bodily  join  in  a  Revolutionary 
movement  upon  comparatively  short  notice,  was  not 
to  be  expected.  Every  thinking  man  in  the  colonies 
realized  that,  however  unwelcome  New  York's  atti- 
tude might  have  been  to  him. 

It  was  in  just  such  a  city,  nevertheless,  that  we 
would  look  for  a  powerful  Revolutionary  party,  in 
the  minority  at  first,  but  aggressive.  It  was  a  party 
which  proposed  to  keep  the  city  at  all  events  from 
pronouncing  for  the  king.  Dm?ing  1775  there  was 
no  disposition  to  force  matters ;  a  division  of  senti- 
ment existed  among  the  Whigs,  both  in  and  out  of 
Congress,  as  to  the  proper  handling  of  this  important 
centre.  It  was  to  be  treated  delicately  in  the  hope 
that,  among  other  influences,  successes  in  the  field 
elsewhere  and  a  more  general  "uprising"  everywhere 
would  improve  the  situation.  These  influences  told. 
That  is,  while  the  Whigs  in  the  city  were  increas- 
ingly confident  and  assertive,  the  military  outlook  m 
the  spring  of  1776  was  such  as  to  turn  many  doubters 


WHIGS  AND  TORIES 


9 


to  their  ranks  and  authorize  them  to  act  with  new 
spirit  and  vigor. 

How  many  in  that  population  of  twenty-six  thou- 
sand were  then  avowed  Whigs  can  only  be  estimated. 
Probably  more  than  half.  The  parties  divided  along 
well-recognized  lines.  Two-thirds  of  the  gentry,  the 
landed  proprietors,  were  loyalists ;  also  the  official 
class,  employees  and  hangers-on  of  the  Provincial  and 
city  governments.  The  majority  of  churchmen, 
Quakers,  conservative  elements  in  the  Dutch,  Mora- 
vian, and  other  congregations,  many  importing  mer- 
chants, traders,  and  subordinates  depending  on  these, 
and  hundreds  in  all  classes,  stood  by  the  old  order  of 
things.  The  city's  Whig  element  dated  back  to 
earlier  political  issues  in  the  province,  when  "poli- 
tics" had  a  social  side.  Family  influence  was  con- 
cerned. Parties  were  led  by  such  universally  known 
proprietors  as  the  Livingstons  and  De  Lanceys.  In 
the  Revolution  they  divided  on  the  new  issue  and 
became  Whigs  and  Tories  in  the  same  sense  in  which 
those  parties  were  known  at  home.  Old  rivalries 
thus  added  to  the  bitterness  of  feeling  in  New  York. 
The  Tories  called  themselves  "property"  men  and 
"friends  of  the  government";  they  berated  the 
Whigs  with  being  nothing  less  nor  anything  better 
than  "the  populace"  led  by  demagogues.  The 
Whigs,  however,  were  most  respectably  led.  There 
were  property  men  among  them  also,  —  the  Living- 
stons, Morrises,  and  others,  —  whose  mfluence  went 
the  further  as  it  was  thrown  on  the  Colonial  side, 


10 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


while  the  array  of  representative  merchants,  gentle- 
men, traders,  and  solid  middle-class  men  gave  char- 
acter to  the  movement.  The  lists  of  local  committees 
here  from  1774  to  1776  mark  the  sterling  quality  of 
the  patriotic  party. 

Early  in  1776  it  became  necessary  to  decide  what 
should  be  done  with  or  at  New  York  as  a  point  for 
military  operations.  The  enemy  were  about  to 
evacuate  Boston,  and  that  they  would  next  aim  for 
this  city  was  evident.^  Congress,  the  town  com- 
mittees, and  Washington  and  his  officers,  determined 
to  forestall  them.  In  response  to  the  sentiment 
alluded  to  not  to  yield  a  foot  of  soil,  a  house,  or  an 
inhabitant  without  an  effort  to  protect  and  hold 
them,  preparations  were  made  to  fortify  the  place. 
The  previous  considerate  policy  gave  way  to  decisive 
measures.  "  We  will  keep  New  York  as  long  as  we 
can.  The  enemy  must  fight  for  it,"  was  the  key- 
note, the  patriotic  instinct,  of  the  hour.  In  spite  of 
all  the  disasters  that  followed  the  attempt  to  defend 
the  city,  we  must  still  hold  with  the  men  of  the 
time  that  that  was  the  instinct  to  obey.  Moreover, 
that  was  the  very  moment  to  encourage  and  magnify 
every  evidence  and  indication  of  the  steady  growth 
of  the  Revolutionary  sentiment.    The  issue  had  yet 

^  To  Washington,  Colonel  Joseph  Reed,  afterwards  his  adjutant- 
general,  wrote  from  Philadelphia,  March  L5,  1776:  "If  Howe  should 
leave  Boston,  we  expect  he  will  make  for  Xew  York ;  and,  at  all 
events,  we  look  upon  that  as  one  of  the  scenes  of  the  summer  business." 


FORTIFYING  THE  CITY 


11 


to  be  presented  in  clear-cut  lines.  The  time  was 
approaching  when  the  merely  negative-defensive 
would  have  to  be  discarded,  and  some  strong  and 
magnetic  call  sounded  that  would  impress  the  mean- 
ing of  the  struggle  more  deeply  upon  the  colonists, 
and  draw  them  closer  together.  A  "Declaration 
of  Independence"  must  be  proclaimed.  Abandon- 
ment of  New  York  at  that  juncture,  on  the  ground 
of  difficulties  and  hazards,  would,  under  the  circum- 
stances, have  been  a  blunder. 

The  work  of  fortifying  New  York  City  can  readily 
be  followed  in  what  may  be  called  its  three  succes- 
sive stages.  As  there  was  much  to  do  the  spade  was 
put  to  almost  continuous  use  during  the  seven 
months  from  February  to  August.  Ground  was  first 
broken  under  the  supervision  of  General  Charles  Lee, 
whom  Washington  had  sent  from  Boston  in  January, 
1776.  The  latter  suspected  from  certain  movements 
of  the  enemy's  fleet  that  they  intended  to  seize  the 
city,  which,  in  his  view,  would  be  serving  us  an 
"  almost  irremediable  "  injury.  Lee,  who  was  of  the 
same  opinion,  reached  New  York  in  February,  and 
agreed  with  the  Committee  of  Safety  and  a  special 
Committee  from  Congress  upon  a  general  defensive 
system.  After  an  inspection  of  the  position  he 
reported  to  Washington,  on  the  19th,  that  it  could 
not  be  made  absolutely  secure.  "What  to  do  with 
the  city,"  he  wrote,  "  I  own  puzzles  me.  It  is  so 
encircled  with  deep  navigable  waters,  that  whoever 
commands  the  sea  must  command  the  town."  But 


12 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


he  proposed  to  make  it  worth  an  effort  to  capture, 
and  assured  the  committees  that  while  the  town 
could  not  be  converted  into  a  "tenable  fortification" 
it  could  at  least  be  made  "a  most  advantageous 
field  of  battle ;  so  advantageous,  indeed,  that  if  our 
people  behave  with  common  spirit,  and  the  com- 
manders are  men  of  discretion,  it  must  cost  the 
enemy  many  thousands  of  men  to  get  possession  of 
it."  Lee,  it  is  to  be  observed,  offers  no  suggestion 
to  abandon  the  place  altogether,  and  he  was  then 
looked  upon  as  one  of  the  leading  military  authori- 
ties in  the  American  camp.  It  was  not  until  Sep- 
tember following,  after  defeats  and  retreats,  that  he 
said  that  he  would  have  "  nothing  to  do  with  the 
islands." 

Lee's  defensive  plan  was  this:  Secure  the  East 
River  from  the  Battery  to  Hell  Gate  with  a  series  of 
forts  thrown  up  on  both  banks,  and  thus  limit  the 
enemy's  sea  control  to  the  harbor  and  North  River. 
Confine  them  to  a  water  attack  from  the  south  and 
west  and  fortify  those  fronts  as  strongly  as  possible. 
Then,  north  of  the  city,  on  the  general  line  of  Grand 
Street,  construct  works  to  check  the  enemy  in  case 
they  landed  above  on  the  North  River  shore ;  and  in 
addition  fortify  many  points  on  the  island  to  harass 
landing  parties  and  cover  retreat.  Upon  this  plan 
the  East  River  required  careful  attention,  and  the 
more  so  because  the  key  to  the  entire  situation  lay 
on  that  side.  That  portion  of  Brooklyn  which  we 
know  as  "  Columbia   Heights "  commanded  New 


PLANS  OF  DEFENCE 


13 


York  City  and  must  be  held  at  all  hazards.  Batter- 
ies planted  there  by  the  enemy  would  make  the 
town  immediately  untenable.  An  entrenched  camp 
was  accordingly  marked  out  between  the  present 
Montague  and  Clark  streets,  protected  by  "  a  chain 
of  redoubts  mutually  supporting  each  other/'  and 
commanding  both  the  river  and  the  land  front  facing 
east.  ^^This  is,  I  think,  a  capital  object,"  wrote 
Lee ;  and  he  added,  to  one's  surprise,  that  "  should 
the  enemy  take  possession  of  New  York,  when  Long 
Island  is  in  our  hands,  they  will  find  it  almost  im- 
possible to  subsist."  What  was  to  become  of  the 
Americans  on  Long  Island  with  the  British  surround- 
ing it  with  their  ships  and  their  army  on  Manhattan, 
Lee  does  not  explain.  Nevertheless,  Lee's  plan  could 
not  be  bettered  and  the  work  went  on.  This  was 
the  first  stage. 

The  second  stage  was  developed  some  weeks  later 
when  Washington,  upon  the  evacuation  of  Boston  by 
the  British,  marched  nearly  all  his  army  to  the  new 
base  at  New  York.  The  defensive  system  was 
extended.  It  was  now  proposed  to  make  the  East 
River  still  more  secure,  and,  furthermore,  to  attempt 
to  close  the  passage  of  the  North  River  to  the 
enemy,  which  Lee  had  correctly  judged  could  not  be 
done.  Governor's  Island  was  brought  into  the  line, 
as  well  as  Red  Hook  at  the  southern  end  of  the 
Brooklyn  peninsula.  General  Putnam,  who  had 
arrived  ten  days  before  the  commander-in-chief, 
noticing  the  position  of  those  points,  wrote  to  Con- 


14 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


gress,  April  7tli :  "  After  getting  the  works  in  such 
forwardness  as  will  be  prudent  to  leave,  I  propose 
immediately  to  take  possession  of  Governor's  Island, 
which  I  think  a  very  important  post.  Should  the 
enemy  arrive  here  and  get  post  there,  it  will  not  be 
possible  to  save  the  city,  nor  could  we  dislodge  them 
without  great  loss."  AVithout  waiting  for  instruc- 
tions he  embarked  a  thousand  men  on  the  next  even- 
ing at  "candle  lighting,"  and  crossing  from  the 
Battery  to  the  island  threw  up  breastworks  during 
the  night,  from  which  he  menaced  the  enemy's  ships 
then  in  the  harbor.  Stronger  works  were  subse- 
quently completed,  and  the  post  well  garrisoned. 
Lying  at  the  mouth  of  the  East  River,  its  guns,  with 
those  at  the  Battery,  Brooklyn  Heights,  and  other 
points,  together  with  obstructions  in  the  channel, 
were  expected  to  close  that  approach  to  the  ships. 

Upon  Washington's  arrival  the  encampment  on 
Brooklyn  Heights  was  also  changed  and  enlarged, 
which,  in  the  light  of  subsequent  events,  proved  to 
be  a  serious  matter.  If  Lee's  lines  had  been  retained, 
in  all  probability  there  would  have  been  no  Battle  of 
Long  Island.  But  Washington's  engineers  evidently 
regarded  them  as  too  contracted,  and  a  new  position 
was  marked  out  one  mile  back  of  the  Heights,  between 
Wallabout  Bay  and  Gowanus  Creek,  where  five 
redoubts  with  connecting  lines  were  afterwards 
erected,  and  where  General  Greene  was  placed  in 
command.  Whether  this  —  the  most  important  step 
taken  in  defending  New  York  —  was  a  wise  altera- 


ARRIVAL  OF  THE  BRITISH 


15 


tion  in  Lee's  plan,  will  be  presently  noticed.  For  a 
third  stage  in  the  progress  of  the  works,  we  have  the 
construction  during  the  summer  of  the  defences  at 
the  upper  part  of  the  island,  intended  to  cover  a 
retreat  by  way  of  Kingsbridge  and  command  the 
Hudson.  The  largest  of  these  were  Fort  Washing- 
ton, south  of  the  bridge,  and  Fort  Independence  on 
the  mainland  to  the  east. 

Turning,  now,  to  the  enemy,  we  recall  that  what 
had  happened  around  Boston  and  elsewhere  in  1775 
—  Lexington,  Concord,  Bunker  Hill,  Quebec  —  was 
hardly  more  than  the  casics  belli  of  the  situation,  the 
incidents  precipitating  the  war,  but  not  war  in  dead 
earnest.  Those  events,  always  to  be  famous  m  our 
history,  were  still  in  the  eyes  of  the  mother  country 
scarcely  more  than  preliminaries  convincing  her  that 
we  had  accepted  the  issue,  and  that  she  must  make 
more  extensive  preparations.  Hence  the  abandonment 
of  Boston,  and  the  occupation  of  New  York  as  the  cen- 
tral base  of  future  operations.  America  well  under- 
stood that  the  heavy  blows  were  yet  to  come ;  and  it 
was  at  New  York  that  they  fell  upon  her  in  full  force 
for  the  first  time.  Toward  the  end  of  June,  1776, 
General  Howe,  with  his  brother,  the  admiral,  appeared 
off  the  harbor.  Staten  Island  was  fixed  upon  for  their 
grand  encampment.  As  the  transports  with  the 
troops  dropped  anchor  in  the  Narrows,  a  stranger  on 
shore,  reading  their  names  as  they  swung  around  with 


16 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


the  tide,  might  have  imagined  that  some  vast  peace 
commission  had  arrived  with  ohve  branches  for  our 
wayward  people.  The  17th  Regulars  came  in  the 
good  ship  "  Felicity  "  ;  the  10th  in  the  Three  Sis- 
ters"; the  5th  in  the  "  Amity's  Admonition  "  ;  the 
63d  in  the  "  Good  Intent "  ;  the  1st  Grenadiers  in 
the  "  Friendship " ;  and  the  64th  in  the  "Father's 
Good  Will."  As  a  matter  of  fact  Howe  was  author- 
ized to  offer  terms  of  reconciliation;  but  the  offer 
came  after  July  4th,  when  reconciliation  was  out  of 
the  question.  On  Staten  Island  the  brigades  en- 
camped on  the  high  grounds  and  near  the  villages. 
Among  the  "  Authorities  "  may  be  found  some  inter- 
esting letters,  now  first  printed  (No.  53),  stating  how 
the  troops  were  disposed.  The  fleet's  arrival  brought 
joy  to  the  hearts  of  the  loyalists,  and  many  prominent 
New  Yorkers  sought  its  shelter.  Captain  Hutcheson, 
in  one  of  the  letters  mentioned,  writes  that  Governor 
Tryon  was  entertaining  "Mr.  Barrow,  Mr.  Kemp, 
Oliver  Delancy,  Mr.  Apthorp,  and  Major  Bayard.  The 
three  last  gentlemen  made  their  escape  in  a  cannoe 
from  Apthorp's  house  [West  Ninety-first  Street]  to 
the  Asia,  lying  below  the  Narrows  about  ten  nights 
ago.  .  .  .  New  York  is  deserted  by  all  the  inhabit- 
ants who  are  friends  to  Government."  On  the  other 
hand,  Frederick  Jay  had  written  to  his  brother  John 
Jay  on  March  16th  :  "  This  day  all  our  militia  turned 
out  with  great  spirit.  They  are  throwing  up  en- 
trenchments at  the  Hospital,  Bayard's  Mount,  at 
the  Furnace,  Peck's  Slip,  Beekman's  Slip,  Ten  Eyck's 


BATTLE  OF  LONG  ISLAND 


17 


Wharf,  back  of  the  Governor's  house  and  several  other 
places.  Never  did  people  in  the  world  act  with  more 
spirit  and  resolution  than  the  New  Yorkers  do  at 
this  present  time."  The  sounds  of  war  were  dividing 
and  scattering  the  population. 

Howe  opened  the  campaign  with  a  flank  move- 
ment. He  determined  to  attack  our  left,  thrown  out 
on  Long  Island.  A  combined  land  and  naval  assault 
upon  our  front  and  right,  that  is,  upon  Governor's 
Island,  the  Battery,  and  the  North  River  works, 
would  doubtless  have  proved  successful,  but  with 
heavy  loss.  He  could  have  compelled  the  evacuation 
of  New  York  by  sailing  around  into  the  Sound  and 
making  the  move  he  subsequently  directed  against 
White  Plains,  or  by  way  of  the  Hudson,  which  was 
open  to  his  ships,  but  in  either  case  he  could  not 
have  forced  Washington  to  battle,  and  merely  stra- 
tegical success  was  not  enough.  Long  Island  offered 
the  most  tempting  field ;  there  the  probabilities  were 
that  Howe  could  both  outflank  and  fight. 

Crossing  the  Narrows  to  Long  Island,  August  22d, 
with  fifteen  thousand  troops,  the  British  general  occu- 
pied the  Dutch  villages  on  the  flatlands,  and  then, 
reenforced  with  five  thousand  Hessians,  he  advanced 
on  the  morning  of  the  27th  and  fought  and  won  the 
first  battle  of  the  campaign.  It  was  for  us  the  dis- 
astrous "  Battle  of  Long  Island."  ^    Briefly  explained, 

^  For  an  account  of  this  engagement  and  as  the  basis  of  much  that 
appears  in  these  pages,  the  writer  would  refer  to  the  result  of  his  own 
investigations,  published  some  years  since  by  the  Long  Island  His- 
torical Society,  Brooklyn,  Vol.  III.  of  its  "  Series." 


18 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


the  Americans  were  not  only  outflanked  but  surprised. 
Some  blunder  had  occurred.  It  was  to  be  repeated  at 
Brandy  wine  in  1777,  and  again,  long  after,  within 
our  own  experience,  at  Chancellorsville,  in  1863. 
Beyond  the  Brooklyn  works  ran  a  low  wooded  range 
of  hills,  skirting  the  present  Greenwood  Cemetery 
and  Prospect  Park.  Washington  hoped  to  be  able 
to  prevent  the  enemy  from  breaking  through  this 
natural  barrier,  but  in  any  case  to  inflict  serious  loss 
upon  him  while  making  the  attempt.  A  stout  resist- 
ance there  might  turn  Howe  from  an  assault  upon 
the  works.  But  while  our  detachments  —  in  all  less 
than  five  thousand  men  —  were  watching  the  passes 
through  the  hills  at  the  right  and  centre,  the  enemy, 
by  a  night  march,  appeared  far  over  on  the  left,  at 
the  Jamaica  Pass,"  captured  our  only  patrol  of 
five  mounted  officers,  and  advancing  along  the  road 
and  slopes,  compelled  the  sudden  retreat  of  the 
parties  whose  rear  was  thus  threatened.  Meanwhile 
bodies  of  the  enemy  pushed  through  the  passes  by 
direct  attack,  and  between  the  fires  in  front  and 
flank  the  Americans  were  thrown  into  confusion 
and  badly  defeated  with  the  loss  of  nine  hun- 
dred prisoners  and  about  two  hundred  and  fifty 
killed  and  wounded.  The  others  escaped  into  the 
lines.  Responsibility  for  the  surprise  it  is  difiicult 
to  fix.  Commanding  officers  at  the  passes  blamed 
each  other,  and  generals  in  turn  explained  it  off 
their  own  shoulders. 

It  was  not  the  tactical  loss  of  the  battle,  however, 


CRITICAL  MOMENT  OF  THE  DAY 


19 


but  the  faultiness  of  the  American  position  on  Long 
Island,  that  was  the  alarming,  and  in  the  view  of 
certain  critics,  the  inexplicable  fact  of  the  campaign.^ 
Had  not  Washington  committed  himself  to  over- 
whelming defeat  —  the  capture  of  all  his  troops, 
seven  thousand  men  —  on  the  Brookljni  front  ? 

Between  that  front  and  safe  retrea.t  lay  the  East 
River.  If  the  enemy  had  assaulted  and  broken 
through  our  lines  during  the  battle,  there  could 
have  been  no  escape  for  the  American  force.  There 
was  a  moment  in  the  forenoon  apparently  full  of 
danger.  While  portions  of  the  British  army  were 
cro wading  our  men  through  the  woods  and  driving 
them  back  to  then-  defences,  the  grenadiers  in  the 
flanking  column  headed  by  Howe  approached  the 
works  and  showed  such  eagerness  to  storm  the  prin- 
cipal fort  that,  as  Howe  reports,  "  it  required  repeated 
orders  to  prevail  upon  them  to  desist."  "Had  they 
been  permitted  to  go  on,"  he  adds,  "  it  is  my  opin- 
ion they  would  have  carried  the  redoubt";  but  he 
wished  to  spare  them.  At  a  later  date  he  regarded 
the  attempt  as  reckless.    Whether  the  assault  would 

1  Reference  is  made  here  to  the  interesting  study  of  the  Battle  of 
Long  Island  and  the  campaign  in  general,  contributed  by  ]\Ir.  Charles 
Francis  Adams  to  the  "American  Historical  Review"  for  July,  1896. 
The  writer  presents  the  extreme  view  that  the  attempt  to  defend 
New  York  at  all  was  a  mistake,  and  that,  as  to  the  Americans,  their 
salvation  was  due  much  less  to  good  generalship  than  to  "  the  om- 
nipotence of  luck  in  war."  The  drift  is  evidently  toward  a  more 
critical  treatment  of  our  Revolutionary  period.  Their  studies  may 
not  take  the  historical  writers  of  the  future  as  far  as  Mr.  Adams,  but 
they  are  bound  to  be  more  impartial  and  accurate  than  some  of  their 
predecessors  without  being  any  the  less  appreciative  of  Washington. 


20 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


have  succeeded  is  a  question,  but  the  possibility  of  it 
was  perfectly  understood  by  Washington  and  his  gen- 
erals from  the  outset,  and  we  have  to  face  the  criti- 
cism whether  they  had  sufficiently  provided  against  it. 
It  is  singular  that  no  one  seems  to  have  entered  a 
protest  against  the  situation  on  that  side.  Greene, 
who  at  a  later  date  urged  Washington  to  abandon 
New  York,  had  been  pushing  the  Brooklyn  works. 
"The  security  of  New  York  greatly  dependeth  on 
this  pass,''  he  said  to  his  command  on  May  5th. 
There  was  no  error,  one  must  say,  in  originally  tak- 
ing up  that  position,  for  it  was  a  means  of  delaying 
the  opening  of  the  campaign  on  the  part  of  the  enemy. 
The  show  of  strength  and  confidence  we  made  in  forti- 
fying the  East  River,  in  putting  it  between  two  divis- 
ions of  the  army,  and  in  purposing,  as  our  picket 
lines  indicated,  to  hold  the  hills  beyond  the  Brooklyn 
front,  had  its  influence  on  Howe's  plans.  This  was 
one  point  gained.  It  was  another  matter  to  risk  a 
battle  there,  and  in  the  light  of  what  happened,  the 
modern  strategist  would  most  likely  have  advised 
Washington,  when  he  found  that  Howe  had  landed 
in  force  on  Long  Island,  to  withdraw  immediately,  — 
instead  of  preparing  for  action  on  the  27th,  retreat 
on  the  26th  to  New  York.  This  would  probably 
have  been  the  true  solution.  The  main  purpose 
would  have  been  served,  a  disaster  would  have  been 
avoided,  and  Howe  would  still  be  at  arm's  length. 
In  predetermining  this  course,  Lee's  original  en- 
trenched camp  on  Brooklyn  Heights  could  have 


THE  QUESTION  OF  ASSAULT 


21 


been  completed  and  made  sufficiently  secure  to  pro- 
tect the  batteries  commanding  the  river.  Should 
the  enemy  storm  that,  our  loss  of  a  garrison  would 
be  small.  But,  obviously,  up  to  the  point  of  fight- 
ing, the  extension  of  Lee's  plan  was  a  proper  move. 
Had  it  not  been  made  Howe  might  have  opened  the 
campaign  earlier,  crossed  to  Long  Island  in  July, 
pushed  on  to  Hell  Gate,  and  gained  some  weeks  for 
further  operations. 

But  Washington  remained  on  Long  Island  after 
the  26  th,  the  battle  was  fought,  and  the  risk  was 
run.  Our  historians  offer  the  explanation  that  a 
sudden  retreat  before  the  enemy  the  moment  he 
advanced,  after  the  preparations  made  to  resist  him, 
would  have  betrayed  our  weakness,  demoralized  the 
army,  and  discouraged  the  country.  They  have  held 
that  the  necessity  of  the  case  justified  the  hazard. 
There  was  also  the  question  —  a  question  of  fact  — 
as  to  the  strength  of  the  Long  Island  defences,  and 
the  confidence  Washington  might  properly  put  in  his 
ability  to  hold  them.  As  Howe  was  afterwards 
called  to  account  for  not  storming  them,  and  justi- 
fied himself  by  showing  the  madness  of  such  an 
attempt,  the  point  cannot  well  be  ignored.  His 
engineer  defended  him  with  evidence  to  the  effect 
that  the  rebel  line  was  "  a  chain  of  five  redoubts,  or 
rather  fortresses,  with  ditches,  as  had  also  the  lines 
that  formed  the  intervals,  and  the  whole  surrounded 
with  the  most  formidable  abbaties " ;  and,  again, 
that  "they  could  not  be  taken  by  assault,  but  by 


22 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


approaches."  But  then  the  engineer  was  the  gen- 
eral's witness.  As  Greene's  entire  brigade  had  been 
at  work  upon  the  lines  much  of  the  spring  and  sum- 
mer, they  must  have  been  made  defensible.  Greene 
himself  thought  them  such,  and  had  his  men  "  exer- 
cised at  parapet  firing."  The  commanding  officers  of 
regiments  were  desired,  in  orders  of  the  day,  to 
make  a  line  round  each  of  the  forts  and  fortifications 
for  the  troops  to  begin  a  fire  on  the  enemy  if  they 
attempt  to  storm  the  works,  and  the  troops  are  to  be 
told  not  to  fire  sooner  than  the  enemy's  arrival  at 
these  lines."  In  giving  its  reasons  for  retreating 
from  Long  Island,  Washington's  council  of  officers 
states  that  while  the  redoubts  could  be  depended  on, 
the  breastworks  were  weak,  being  "  abattised  with 
brush  only  "  in  some  places.  On  the  same  morning 
Adjutant  General  Reed  had  written :  "  We  hope  to 
be  able  to  make  a  good  stand  as  our  lines  are  pretty 
strong."  Take  the  facts  as  we  may,  it  is  difficult  to 
conceive  that  the  American  commanders  on  the 
Brooklyn  side  could  have  thought  of  defence  behind 
an  obviously  weak  position.  The  lines  were  superior 
to  those  on  Bunker  Hill,  albeit  on  lower  ground,  and 
Howe  had  not  forgotten  that  day.^ 

1  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  large  sacrifice  of  life  the  enemy 
would  have  suffered  had  they  assaulted  on  the  27th.  The  redoubts 
were  manned  by  Greene's  own  regiments,  which  were  among  the  best 
in  the  field,  and  they  had  been  prepared  for  just  this  emergency.  If 
some  of  the  intervening  lines  appeared  weak,  as  to  General  J.  M. 
Scott,  for  example,  they  were  covered  by  the  fire  from  the  forts.  The 
largest  of  the  latter  was  commanded  by  Colonel  Little,  who  had  been 
at  Bunker  Hill. 


RETREAT  TO  NEW  YORK 


23 


The  situation  on  Long  Island  involved  the  calcu- 
lation of  chances.  Under  the  extreme  pressure  of 
his  surroundings  the  American  chieftain  accepted 
the  chances,  and  escaped  the  net.  At  Princeton  we 
shall  again  find  him  in  a  hazardous  position,  but 
extricating  himself  with  success  and  glory. 

On  the  night  of  the  29th  occurred  the  famous 
retreat  from  Long  Island.  Clearly  Washington  could 
not  maintain  himself  on  that  side,  and  upon  observing 
that  the  British  intended  to  approach  his  lines  by 
parallels,  he  took  the  opportunity  to  withdraw.  A 
council  of  war  met  at  Philip  Livingston's  house, 
which  stood  on  Brooklyn  Heights  a  little  south  of 
Wall  Street  Ferry,  and  formally  accepted  the  decision 
of  the  General  who  had  already  made  preparations  to 
cross  to  New  York. 

The  retreat  was  well-timed  and  happily  effected. 
Bancroft,  the  historian,  states  that  the  troops  were 

The  possibility  of  the  enemy's  ships  sailing  into  the  East  River 
and  cutting  off  Washington's  retreat  is  another  point.  Although  this 
was  given  as  one  of  the  reasons  justifying  retreat,  our  blockade  of  the 
river  against  the  ships  seems  to  have  been  regarded  during  the  summer 
as  effective.  Ships  had  passed  our  batteries  on  the  North  River,  but 
on  the  Jersey  side  there  were  few  guns.  Besides,  it  was  one  thing  to 
run  by  batteries,  and  another  to  anchor  under  them.  This  the  enemy 
did  not  attempt,  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  they  could  have  cut  off 
the  retreat  under  our  guns  on  both  banks.  No  ships  sailed  up  the 
East  River  until  a  week  or  more  after  the  battle,  when  they  could 
pass  near  the  Brookl}^!  shore,  which  the  enemy  then  occupied.  The 
Long  Island  war  council  gave  every  possible  reason  for  authorizing 
the  retreat  that  occurred  to  it,  as  the  army  and  Congress  would 
hold  it  responsible  for  the  measure;  but  such  contingencies  in  the 
case,  as  the  defensibility  of  the  lines  and  the  passage  of  the  river, 
had  existed  from  the  first. 


24 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


prepared  for  the  movement  under  the  pretence  that 
a  night  attack  upon  the  enemy  was  to  be  attempted. 
Washington's  order  on  the  occasion,  since  recovered^ 
shows  that  they  were  marched  to  the  boats  at  the 
ferry  on  the  assurance  that  fresh  troops  were  to 
relieve  them  from  New  York.    In  either  case  the 
quick-witted  soldier  could  have  fathomed  the  design. 
By  sunrise  of  the  30th,  the  entire  force,  which  had 
been  increased  to  nme  thousand  since  the  battle,  had 
safely  re  crossed  the  river.    Two  British  officers  at 
Howe's  headquarters,  to  whose  valuable  journals  we 
shall  have  occasion  to  refer  again,  note  the  American 
retreat.    One,  the  deputy  adjutant- general,  Stephen 
Kemble,  makes  the  entry :  "  Friday,  August  30th. 
In  the  morning,  to  our  great  astonishment,  found 
[the  rebels]  had  evacuated  all  their  works  on  Brook- 
land  and  Red  Hook,  without  a  shot  being  fired  at 
them."     The  other,  Captain  John  Montresor,  engi- 
neer and  aide  to  Howe,  writes:  "I  gave  the  first 
information  of  the  enemy's  abandoning  the  works 
near  Brooklyn ;  and  was  the  first  man  in  them,  with 
one  corporal,  and  six  men,  in  the  front  of  the  pic- 
quets."    Elsewhere  he  adds,  bearing  on  the  question 
of  assault :     I  had  the  greatest  difficulty  to  get 
through  the  abatties  where  no  one  was  to  oppose 
me."    Captain  Alexander  Gray  don  of  Shee's  Penn- 
sylvania regiment,  present  on  this  retreat,  recalls  in 
his  own  published  recollections  an  historical  parallel : 
"The  memoirs  of  the  Duke  of  Sully,"  he  writes, 
"  relate  an  operation  very  similar  to  it,  and  to  which 


RETREAT  TO  NEW  YORK 


25 


much  applause  is  given.  This  was  achieved  by  the 
prince  of  Parma,  whose  army,  ^jii^g  between  Rouen 
and  Candebec,  was  in  the  night  transported  across 
the  Seine,  and  thus  preserved  from  the  destruction 
that  impended  from  the  forces  of  Henry  the  Fourth, 
ready  to  fall  upon  it  in  the  morning.  '  Could  it 
appear  otherwise/  observes  the  writer,  '  than  a  fable 
or  an  illusion  ?  Scarce  could  the  king  and  his  army 
trust  the  evidence  of  their  own  eyes.'  " 


II 


CAPTURE  OF  NEW  YORK  BY  THE  BRITISH  —  KIP*S 
BAY  AFFAIR  —  NARROW  ESCAPE  OF  SILLIMAN's 
BRIGADE 

rriHE  retreat  to  New  York  relieved  the  great  strain  to 
which  the  American  troops  had  been  subjected. 
Washington  represented  their  exhaustion  in  his  own 
case  when  he  explained  to  Congress  that  his  delay  of 
a  day  in  reporting  the  move  was  due  to  the  "  extreme 
fatigue  "  which  rendered  him  "  entirely  unfit  to  take 
pen  in  hand  "  or  even  dictate  a  letter.  During  the  last 
forty-eight  hours  on  Long  Island,  he  writes,  "  I  had 
hardly  been  off  my  horse,  and  never  closed  my  eyes." 
The  demoralization  in  the  ranks  was  a  more  serious 
matter,  but  that  was  to  lessen  as  days  passed  and  the 
enemy  failed  to  push  their  advantage. 

It  was  nearly  three  weeks  before  the  next  advance. 
If  both  generals  are  chargeable  with  blunders  on 
Long  Island  it  will  be  interesting  to  note  how  far 
they  profit  by  or  repeat  them  during  the  progress  of 
the  campaign.  Will  Howe  find  Washington  within 
striking  distance  of  him  again  and  in  such  case  will 
he  give  his  grenadiers  full  rein  ?  One  thing  excites 
our  admiration  in  this  disastrous  year,  and  that  is 
Washington's  faithful  clinging  to  the  soil.    At  every 

26 


THE  NEW  SITUATION 


27 


turn  he  looked  the  enemy  squarely  in  the  face  —  at 
gunshot  distance.  He  does  not  fly  at  once  to  the 
mountains  as  Jay  would  have  had  him  do.  Howe 
will  never  reach  the  Highlands.  In  the  general  per- 
spective one  sees  the  staying  quality  of  the  defeated 
Americans.  The  hopefulness  under  despair,  the  tena- 
cious disposition  even  in  retreat,  bravery  here  succeed- 
ing cowardice  there  —  all  bespoke  the  promise  of  the 
future.  The  troops  fell  back  only  under  pressure, 
sometimes  on  the  run,  but  not  far.  All  the  way 
through  from  the  Narrow^s  to  the  Delaware,  their  rear 
guard  will  be  found  skirmishing  wdth  the  British 
van. 

Although  New  York  was  virtually  lost  with  the 
Battle  of  Long  Island,  Washington  occupied  it  to 
the  last  moment.  Not  that  any  great  risks  were  to 
be  run  in  its  retention,  but  that  it  was  not  to  be  given, 
as  Lee  suggested, in  fee-simple  "  to  the  enemy.  In- 
deed he  wrote  to  Congress  on  September  2d,  "  Till 
of  late  I  had  no  doubt  in  my  own  mind  of  defending 
this  place,  nor  should  I  have  yet,  if  the  men  would  do 
their  duty."  But  this  extreme  confidence  in  his  plans, 
which  is  difficult  of  explanation, —  for  New  York  w^as 
now  obviously  untenable  even  wdth  the  best  of  troops, 
the  moment  the  enemy  moved  upon  it  wdth  a  com- 
bined armament, —  yielded  to  the  plain  facts  of  the 
situation.  He  began  removing  his  stores  to  Kings- 
bridge  and  beyond,  and  asked  Congress  whether  he 
should  leave  the  city  in  ashes.  Greene  and  Jay  would 
have  burned  it,  but  Congress  said    No,"  as  they  had 


28 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


no  doubt  of  being  able  to  recover  it  later.  This  was 
far  the  wiser  policy,  for  retaliation  would  have  left 
us  at  the  mercy  of  the  enemy,  who  had  nothing  to  lose 
in  the  destruction  of  cities.  As  it  was,  not  one  w^as 
burned  by  design  during  the  war,  and,  except  in  minor 
instances,  we  were  spared  the  spectacle  of  useless  con- 
flagrations and  the  added  bitterness  of  feeling  that 
would  have  followed.  As  late  as  the  7th  of  Septem- 
ber the  enemy  showed  no  signs  of  attacking,  and 
Washington  summoned  a  council  of  his  officers  to  de- 
cide upon  the  question  of  evacuation  and  the  proper 
disposition  of  the  army.  The  council  voted  to  leave 
five  thousand  men  in  the  city  to  preserve  appearances 
as  long  as  possible,  to  station  others  at  different  points 
on  the  East  River  facing  the  enemy,  and  to  concen- 
trate the  greater  part  of  the  force  at  Harlem  and 
Kingsbridge  to  secure  the  line  of  retreat.  On  the 
12th,  a  second  war  council  decided,  by  a  large  major- 
ity, to  abandon  the  city  altogether  as  soon  as  the  stores 
and  munitions  could  be  removed.  In  accordance  with 
this  plan  General  Putnam  was  continued  in  the  super- 
intendence of  stores  and  the  troops  in  town,  while  the 
troops  on  the  East  River  were  to  hold  the  landings 
until  he  could  leave.  At  the  foot  of  Grand  Street 
and  below  w^ere  posted  the  brigades  of  Parsons  and 
Fellows.  Back  of  Stuyvesant's,  about  the  foot  of 
Twelfth  Street,  w^as  Scott's  New  York  brigade ;  at 
Twenty-third  Street,  Wadsworth  with  Connecticut 
levies ;  while  another  similar  brigade  under  Douglas 
guarded  Kip's  Bay  at  the  foot  of  Thirty-fourth  Street. 


CAPTAIN  NATHAN  HALE 


29 


Along  the  Harlem,  fronting  Ward's  and  Randall's 
islands,  older  and  better  troops  were  stationed. 

Here  was  a  temporary,  attenuated  line  facing  the 
enemy  on  the  opposite  shore,  which  could  have  been 
pierced  at  any  point,  and  was  weakest  at  the  centre 
or  Thirty-fourth  Street.  Some  risks  were  run  in 
keeping  up  this  disposition,  but  then  it  added  several 
days'  delay  to  the  enemy's  record.  Washington,  as 
he  writes,  begrudged  them  "  possession."  His 
watchfulness  under  the  circumstances  was  increased, 
and  he  made  more  than  one  effort  to  obtain  secret 
word  of  their  designs.  To  Heath  at  Kingsbridge  he 
wrote  as  early  as  the  1st  "  to  concert  some  measures 
with  General  Clinton  for  establishing  a  channel  of 
information."  He  thought  there  might  be  friends 
near  the  enemy's  camp  who  could  obtain  and  send 

frequent  accounts "   of  what   they  were  doing. 

Leave  no  stone  unturned,"  he  again  urged  upon 
Heath,  ^*  nor  do  not  stick  at  expense  to  bring  this  to 
pass,  as  I  was  never  more  uneasy  than  on  account  of 
my  want  of  knowledge  on  this  score." 

It  was  in  this  connection  that  Nathan  Hale  felt 
himself  called  upon  to  undertake  his  fatal  errand 
into  the  British  lines.  As  a  captain  in  the  newly 
organized  corps  of  ^^Knowlton's  Rangers,"  he  was 
informed  of  Washington's  great  anxiety  to  fathom 
Howe's  intentions.  Upon  deep  reflection  he  offered  his 
services.  "I  am  fully  sensible,"  he  said  to  a  brother 
officer,  of  the  consequences  of  discovery  and  capt- 
ure in  such  a  situation.    But  for  a  year  I  have  been 


30 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


attached  to  the  army,  and  have  not  rendered  any 
material  service,  while  receiving  a  compensation  for 
which  I  make  no  return.  Yet  I  am  not  influenced 
by  the  expectation  of  promotion  or  pecuniary  reward. 
I  wish  to  be  useful,  and  every  kind  of  service,  neces- 
sary to  the  public  good,  becomes  honorable  by  being 
necessary."  Washington  permitted  him  to  go,  and 
gave  him  instructions  in  the  case,  the  interview 
being  held  probably  at  the  chief's  headquarters,  then 
at  the  Mortier  mansion  on  Richmond  Hill,  on  the 
west  side  above  Canal  Street.  Hale  started  in  the 
second  week"  of  September,  went  to  Stamford  on 
the  Connecticut  shore,  disguised  himself  as  a  school- 
master, crossed  to  Huntington,  Long  Island,  and 
made  his  w^ay  to  New  York.  The  journey,  requir- 
ing great  circumspection,  took  time,  and  he  seems 
not  to  have  reached  the  camp  of  the  British  until 
after  they  had  captured  New  York,  when  his  infor- 
mation would  not  have  availed.  But  that  he  re- 
mained on  his  mission  and  had  determined  not  to 
return  without  some  valuable  intelligence  for  Wash- 
ington is  presumable  from  tlie  fact  that  he  was  not 
detected  until  the  21st,  and  was  found  with  draughts 
of  the  enemy's  works  about  him.  Taken  to  Howe's 
headquarters  at  the  Beekman  mansion  on  East  Fifty- 
first  Street,  he  frankly  avowed  his  errand  and  was 
condemned  to  death  as  a  spy.  His  execution  took 
place  on  the  following  morning  at  the  artillery 
camp,  about  half  a  mile  above,  near  the  main  road, 
or  in  the  vicinity  of  Third  Avenue  and  Sixty-fifth 


HOWE'S  ENFORCED  DELAY 


31 


Street.^  His  statue  on  lower  Broadway  impressively 
commemorates  the  spirit  of  the  brave  youth  who  could 
say  in  his  last  moments,  in  the  very  midst  of  his  vic- 
torious enemies,  that  he  only  regretted  that  he  had 
but  one  life  to  lose  for  his  country. 

Meanwhile  Howe,  although  master  of  the  situa- 
tion, failed  to  improve  his  opportunity  upon  a  large 
plan.  On  August  31st,  he  marched  his  army  from 
the  battle-field  of  the  27th  to  Newtown  and  its  vi- 
cinity, nearer  Hell  Gate  and  the  Sound.  He  was 
then  in  position  to  make  the  same  move  that  he 
made  on  October  12tli,  when  he  embarked  for  Throg's 
Neck  and  pushed  on  to  White  Plains.  Had  this 
been  done,  Washington  would  have  been  compelled 
to  abandon  New  York  and  the  entire  island  immedi- 
ately and  in  more  or  less  confusion.  His  army  would 
have  been  less  effective  than  in  October,  and  Howe 
would  have  gained  time  and  the  credit  of  a  fine 
manoeuvre.  But  this  was  an  operation  to  be  planned 
when  his  army  opened  the  campaign  from  Staten 
Island,  and  required  the  simultaneous  despatch  of 
ships  and  many  flatboats  around  Long  Island  into 
the  Sound  to  transfer  the  troops  to  the  Westchester 
side.  No  such  provision  was  made.  On  the  con- 
trary Howe  appears  to  have  anticipated  that  his 

1  This  fact  has  been  established  by  Mr.  Kelby,  librarian  of  the 
Historical  Society.  See  Mr.  Stevens'  article  on  Hale  in  the  Neiu 
York  Herald,  Nov.  26, 1893  ;  also  the  site  as  marked  on  map,  pp.  oO-.")!. 


32 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


operations  on  Long  Island  would  enforce  the  speedy 
withdrawal  of  the  Americans  from  New  York,  ren- 
dering the  flank  movement  unnecessary.  From  New 
York  he  would  follow  them.  But  as  Washington 
perversely  clung  to  the  city,  which  Howe  did  not 
wish  to  destroy  by  bombardment,  the  latter  could 
not  move  upon  him  at  once.  He  lacked  sufficient 
water  transportation.  With  all  his  naval  resources 
Howe  was  not  prepared  to  cross  the  East  River  for 
more  than  two  weeks.  The  entries  in  Kemble's 
journal  for  these  interesting  days  are  significantly 
brief.  "  Sept.  1st  and  2d,  Nothing  extraordinary." 
"  7th,  Nothing  material."  "  10th,  All  quiet."  "  12th, 
Nothing  particular."  "  14th,  Very  quiet."  Howe 
was  making  demonstrations  to  cross  at  Harlem  by 
way  of  Ward's  and  Randall's  islands,  and  was  doubt- 
less puzzled  that  Washington  should  still  keep  his 
batteries  manned  in  the  city.  He  expected  to  manoeu- 
vre him  out  of  it.  The  navy,  however,  presently 
came  to  his  assistance,  and  by  the  evening  of  the 
14th,  at  different  intervals,  five  frigates,  six  trans- 
ports, and  one  hundred  barges  had  run  the  fire  of 
our  guns  in  town  and  anchored  in  the  East  River 
above  Twenty-third  Street.  On  the  next  day,  the 
15th,  Howe  crossed.  It  was  nineteen  days  since  the 
Battle  of  Long  Island  —  not  very  rapid  campaigning. 
We  must  give  Washington  the  credit  of  enforcing 
much  of  this  delay. 

The  incidents  of  Sunday,  the  15th,  when  the 
British  captured  New  York,  have  a  bearing  upon  the 


ENEMY  LAND  AT  KIP'S  BAY 


33 


action  of  Harlem  Heights  on  the  following  day. 
The  American  soldier  was  inspirited  by  the  contrast 
presented.  It  would  seem  that  Howe  originally  pro- 
posed to  break  through  our  line  at  Harlem  in  the 
hope  of  entrapping  many  of  our  troops  below,  but 
the  American  battery  at  Horn's  Hook,  East  Eighty- 
ninth  Street,  remained  unsilenced,  and  he  landed 
further  down.  The  enemy's  firing  from  Hallet's 
Point  opposite  the  Hook  had  failed  to  drive  off  our 
gunners.  Kemble  records  on  the  9th  that  ^'our 
proposed  attack  of  Hell  Gate  redoubt,  and  landing 
there  thought  very  hazardous  by  many.  The  strength 
of  the  tides  must  unavoidably  make  our  landings 
very  difficult,  as  well  as  dangerous,  from  the  length 
of  the  time  it  will  take  between  them."  Montresor 
claims  that  it  was  he  who  advised  the  landing  where 
it  was  finally  made  at  Kip's  Bay,  while  Admiral 
Howe  informs  ns  that  a  feint  was  to  have  been 
attempted  at  the  same  time  at  Harlem,  but  the  pilots 
declined  to  take  men-of-war  into  the  Hell  Gate 
w^aters. 

At  Kip's  Bay,  foot  of  Thirty-fourth  Street,  accord- 
ingly, the  attack  was  made.  Douglas'  ill-sorted 
brigade  was  there  behind  low  breastworks,  little 
dreaming  what  was  impending.  Douglas  himself 
was  a  good  soldier  and  had  lately  written  to  his 
wife  that  the  American  position  on  the  Island  was 
untenable,  but  that  he  must  not  be  "  too  free  "  with 
his  opinions.  "  Our  generals,"  he  said,  are  faith- 
ful and  good,  no  one  can  doubt,  but  we  have  not 


34 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


got  experience  which  will  teach  America  wisdom  in 
her  wars,  as  it  did  Peter  the  Great."  There  was 
plenty  of  experience  in  store.  At  daybreak  the 
five  frigates  took  position  at  Kip's  Bay  close  to  the 
shore,  and  at  about  eleven  o'clock  opened  a  furious 
and  sweeping  fire  upon  Douglas'  militiamen.  At  the 
same  time  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  division  of  Light  troops 
and  Reserves  was  rowed  across  the  river  from  New- 
town Creek  in  eighty-four  boats,  and  under  cover  of 
the  cannonade  landed  at  the  Bay. 

A  British  officer.  Captain  William  Evelyn,  im- 
pressed with  the  sight,  wrote  to  his  mother  that 
"  the  amazing  fire  from  the  shipping,  the  confusion 
and  the  dismay  of  the  rebels,  the  Light  Infantry 
clambering  up  the  steep  and  just  accessible  rocks, 
the  water  covered  with  boats  full  of  armed  men 
pressing  eagerly  toward  the  shore,  was  certainly  one 
of  the  grandest  and  most  sublime  scenes  ever  exhib- 
ited." ^  Douglas'  men  fled,  unable  to  resist  such  an 
attack.  Wadsworth's  brigade  below  also  fell  back. 
All  retreated  toward  the  main  Kingsbridge  road, 
which  there  ran  along  the  lines  of  Fourth  and  Lex- 
ington avenues,  and  by  which  they  could  reach 
Harlem  and  the  heights  beyond  in  safety.  The 
enemy  followed  rapidly,  the  various  corps  seeming 
to  vie  vvdth  each  other  in  fulfilling  the  expectations 
of  their  chief,  who  two  days  before  had  praised  them 

1  Document,  No.  51,  among  the  "Authorities."  Also,  as  to  further 
particulars  of  the  "Kip's  Bay  Affair,"  see  Vol.  HI.,  L.I.  Historical 
Soc.  Series,  p.  232. 


THE  KIP'S  BAY  AFFAIR 


35 


for  their  skilful  application  of  the  bayonet  and  their 
fearlessness  in  American  woods.'  The  Light  Infantry 
under  General  Leslie  struck  oif  to  the  right  and  occu- 
pied the  road  near  Forty-second  Street.  The  Grena- 
diers under  Cornwallis  and  Vaughn  moved  straight 
across,  up  Thirty-fourth  Street,  we  may  say,  to 
Murray  Hill,  while  the  Hessian  Light  troops  under 
Donop  turned  to  the  left  and  succeeded  in  intercept- 
ing three  or  four  hundred  of  Wadsworth's  brigade 
somewhere  on  the  line  of  Twenty-third  Street,  east 
of  Fourth  Avenue.  This  was  the  principal  loss  sus- 
tained by  the  Americans  during  the  day.  Parsons' 
and  Scott's  brigades  below  could  see  the  crossing 
of  the  enemy,  and,  leaving  their  positions  in  time, 
marched  up  the  Bowery  into  the  Bloomingdale 
road,  just  escaping  the  Hessians  at  about  Madison 
Square.  Silliman's  brigade  with  some  of  Knox's 
artillery  companies  was  still  in  the  city,  but,  thanks 
to  the  enemy's  oversight,  presently  escaped. 

While  all  this  was  going  on  —  the  brilliant  land- 
ing of  the  British,  the  more  or  less  orderly  but 
hurried  retreat  of  some  of  our  troops,  the  confused 

1  Howe's  Orders,  dated  Newtown,  L.I.,  Sept.  13th:  "An  attack 
upon  the  enemy  being  shortly  intended,  the  soldiers  are  reminded  of 
their  evident  superiority  on  the  27th  of  August  by  charging  the  Rebels 
with  Bayonets  even  in  the  woods  where  they  had  thought  themselves 
invincible  :  they  now  place  their  security  in  slight  breastworks  of  the 
weakest  Construction,  and  which  are  to  be  carried  with  little  loss  by 
the  same  high  spirited  mode  of  attack.  The  Gen'I  therefore  recom- 
mends to  the  troops  an  entire  dependence  on  their  Bayonets  with 
which  they  will  always  command  that  success  which  their  bravery  so 
well  deserves." 


36 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


flight  of  others,  the  quick  advance  of  Clinton's  Light 
Division  from  the  river  towards  Murray  Hill  —  in 
other  Avords,  while  we  were  suffering  a  panic  and  the 
enemy  enjoying  a  chase,  the  two  most  anxious  and 
interested  men  in  our  army,  Washington  and  Put- 
nam, were  riding  at  full  gallop  from  opposite  direc- 
tions to  the  scene  of  action.  Washington,  on  the 
evening  before,  had  moved  his  headquarters  from 
Richmond  Hill  to  the  Morris  (Jumel)  mansion,  still 
standing,  at  about  One  Hundred  and  Sixty-first 
Street,  east  of  St.  Nicholas  Avenue,  and  had  expected 
to  withdraw  all  his  troops  to  that  vicinity  on  the 
very  day  of  the  enemy's  attack.  Putnam  remained 
at  his  city  quarters.  No.  1  Broadway,  to  superintend, 
as  we  have  seen,  the  final  evacuation  of  the  town. 
On  the  early  morning  of  the  15th  the  two  generals 
were  more  than  ten  miles  apart.  As  soon  as  the 
cannonade  of  the  men-of-war  at  Kip's  Bay  was 
heard,  both  hastened  to  the  vicinity  —  Washington, 
of  course,  as  commander-in-chief,  and  Putnam  be- 
cause his  troops  below  would  be  in  extreme  danger 
if  the  enemy  landed  above.  They  met,  with  other 
general  officers,  somewhere  on  Murray  Hill,  prob- 
ably in  a  cross  road  on  the  line  of  Forty-second 
Street  then  connecting  the  Bloomingdale  road  (now 
Broadway)  with  the  Kingsbridge  road  at  Lexington 
Avenue.    The  hour  of  day  was  about  twelve  o'clock. 

Washington  reached  the  spot  only  to  find,  to  his 
great  surprise  and  mortification,  that  our  troops  were 
flying  before  the  enemy,  and  that  others,  ordered  to 


PANIC  OF  THE  MILITIAMEN 


37 


support  them,  were  in  confusion.  With  the  officers 
around  him  he  quickly  rode  in  among  the  fugitives 
and  did  his  best  to  face  them  about.  We  have  it 
on  official  record  that  he  shouted  out  to  the  men, 
"Take  to  the  wall!  Take  to  the  cornfield!"  but 
nothing  could  stop  them.  The  chief's  indignation 
was  unbounded,  and  lashing  some  of  the  runaways 
over  the  shoulders  with  his  cane,  he  demanded  with 
intense  feeling  whether  these  were  the  men  with 
whom  he  was  to  defend  America !  The  scene  of 
this  incident  can  be  located  with  considerable  pre- 
cision near  Park  Avenue  and  Fortieth  Street.  With 
Bull  Run "  following  nearly  a  century  later,  we 
may  interpose  a  word  for  these  fugitives  of  Seventy- 
Six,  for  whom  our  historians  generally  have  no 
mercy,  and  recall  that  most  of  them  were  poorly 
armed  militia,  who  had  been  away  from  home  but 
a  few  weeks,  that  it  was  not  a  momentary  sense  of 
fear  that  had  created  the  panic,  but  a  sustained 
sense  of  danger  aroused  by  all  that  they  had  seen 
and  experienced  for  some  hours,  —  the  terrible  fire 
of  the  ships,  which  veterans  could  not  have  with- 
stood, and  the  crossing  of  a  formidable  flotilla, — 
v/hile  the  knowledge  that  the  best  part  of  the  army 
was  safe  above  them  at  Harlem  was  not  likely  to 
lessen  the  haste  of  their  retreat.  The  rolls  of  the 
Continental  army  show  that  many  of  these  Kip's 
Bay  cowards,  officers  and  men  alike,  remained  in  the 
service  to  the  end  and  cancelled  their  record  for  this 
day  by  gallant  conduct  on  other  fields. 


38 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


Most  of  our  troops  had  retreated  to  and  along  the 
Bloomingdale  road  further  west,  and  on  to  Harlem 
Heights,  but  they  were  not  pursued.  The  day  was 
one  of  intense  heat,  and  as  Clinton  had  no  cavalry 
he  could  not  expect  to  overtake  the  Americans.  At 
Murray  Hill,  along  the  line  of  Park  Avenue,  he 
halted  until  the  remainder  of  the  army,  or  six  more 
brigades,  could  cross.  This  took  time,  and  it  was 
not  until  four  or  five  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  that  he 
was  ready  to  move  again. 

Meanwhile,  what  about  Silliman's  brigade,  and  the 
artillery  down  in  the  city?  The  former  were  posted 
at  the  works  on  the  line  of  Grand  Street,  west  of  the 
Bowery.  Finding  that  the  British  had  landed  above, 
Putnam  attempted  a  bold  manoeuvre.  Dashing  back 
from  Murray  Hill  down  the  road,  and  slipping  by 
the  Hessians,  he  proposed  to  extricate  Silliman  by 
getting  past  the  enemy  through  the  lanes  and  woods 
on  the  west  side.  Putnam's  aid,  Major  Aaron  Burr, 
seems  to  have  bravely  taken  the  responsibility  of 
starting  Silliman  along,  and  the  general,  joining 
them  at  some  point,  the  brigade,  after  a  hard 
march  and  narrow  escape,  reached  Harlem  Heights 
late  in  the  evening,  when  it  had  been  given  up  as 
lost.  Most  of  the  artillerymen  also  escaped,  but 
without  their  guns.  The  experiences  of  Captains 
Samuel  Shaw  and  Sebastian  Bauman  of  this  corps 
are  given  by  themselves  in  letters  Nos.  12  and  38 
among  the  "Authorities."  Silliman  himself  tells  us 
it  was  a  most  trying  march,  and  David  Humphreys, 


LUNCH  AT  MRS.  MURRAY'S 


39 


one  of  his  adjutants,  writes  about  Putnam's  efforts 
to  get  them  through.  "  I  had  frequent  opportunities 
that  day,"  he  says,  "of  beholding  him,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  issuing  orders,  and  encouraging  the  troops, 
flying  on  his  horse,  covered  with  foam,  wherever  his 
presence  was  most  necessary.  Without  his  extraor- 
dinary exertions,  the  guards  must  have  been  inevita- 
bly lost,  and  it  is  probable  the  entire  corps  would 
have  been  cut  in  pieces." 

Why  the  enemy  failed  to  head  off  and  capture 
Putnam  and  Silliman  has  been  usually  explained  by 
the  familiar  incident  of  Mrs.  Murray's  hospitality. 
Robert  Murray,  father  of  Lindley  Murray,  the  gram- 
marian, was  a  well-to-do  Quaker  merchant  whose 
country  seat  stood  at  about  the  corner  of  Park 
Avenue  and  Thirty-sixth  Street.  His  farm  included 
all  the  high  ground  in  the  vicinity,  and  was  known 
as  "  Inclenberg."  Being  a  loyalist,  it  is  assumed  that 
his  wife  was  one.  The  British  generals,  including 
Howe,  who  had  come  over  with  or  soon  after  the 
advance,  are  represented  as  having  adjourned  to  the 
Murray  mansion  for  lunch.  General  Vaughn  had 
been  slightly  wounded  in  advancing  up  the  slope, 
and  was  probably  cared  for  in  this  house.  Mrs. 
Murray,  we  are  told,  entertained  these  officers  so 
agreeably  on  the  occasion  that  they  neglected  to  run 
a  cordon  of  guards  or  detachments  across  the  Island 
to  intercept  any  late  retreating  rebels.  Another 
version  makes  Mrs.  Murray  an  ardent  American 
sympathizer,  who,  knowing  that  time  was  the  one 


40 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


thing  our  distressed  troops  needed  that  day,  ex- 
hausted the  resources  of  her  wit  and  larder  to  detain 
the  generals  long  enough  to  save  Silliman.  The 
incident  probably  occurred,  but  it  fails  as  an  explana- 
tion. Howe  is  simply  chargeable  with  over-confidence, 
irrespective  of  lunch.  He  knew  nothing  about  Silli- 
man, and  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  Mrs.  Murray, 
whether  a  friend  or  foe,  could  have  known.  Upon 
landing  at  Thirty-fourth  Street  Donop  and  his 
Hessians  had  been  sent  to  the  main  road  south  of 
Murray  Hill,  and  would  naturally  occupy  the  point 
of  its  junction  with  the  Bloomingdale  road  at  the 
present  corner  of  Twenty-third  Street  and  Fifth 
Avenue.  It  was  evidently  believed  that  all  the 
rebels  had  made  good  their  retreat,  or  that  any  large 
body  must  attempt  to  pass  at  that  point.  Silliman, 
however,  pushed  along  a  mile  to  the  west,  near  Ninth 
and  Tenth  Avenues.  That  the  British  officers  were 
ou^twitted  by  a  genial  hostess  is  less  likely  than  that 
they  had  confidently  assumed  that  the  first  effect 
of  their  early  morning  movements  would  be  to 
clear  the  city  immediately  of  every  American.  The 
praiseworthy  featm^e  of  the  affair  is  the  resolution  of 
our  belated  troops  to  push  through  and  rejoin  the 
main  army  when  they  felt  that  the  chances  of  suc- 
cess were  heavily  agamst  them. 

Later  in  the  afternoon  Clinton's  corps  advanced 
up  the  Kingsbridge  road  to  encamp  for  the  night. 
Howe's  critics  can  here  find  a  pretty  commentary  on 
his  generalship  in  the  fact  that  while  his  lordly  troops 


ESCAPE  OF  SILLIMAN'S  BRIGADE 


41 


were  marching  along  the  east  side  of  what  is  now 
Central  Park,  Putnam's  and  Silliman's  sweltering 
militiamen  were  toiling  up  on  a  parallel  line  west  of 
the  park,  and  somewhat  below  him,  without  his  know- 
ing it.  As  Clinton's  column  neared  the  corner  of  what 
are  now  Ninety-sixth  Street  and  Fifth  Avenue,  where 
the  Kingsbridge  road  entered  the  park  and  went  on 
through  McGowan's  Pass,  it  found  drawn  up  before  it 
Colonel  Smallwood's  regiment  of  Marylanders,  which 
had  been  posted  there  for  observation  and  to  cover 
the  retreat  of  our  artillerymen  from  the  Horn's  Hook 
battery.  Smallwood  reports  that  the  enemy  manoeu- 
vred with  the  view  of  outflanking  him,  when  he  retired 
and  joined  our  main  army  on  Harlem  Heights  at  dusk. 
From  Ninety-sixth  Street  there  ran  across  the  park 
a  road,  called  the  "  New  Bloomingdale  cross  road,'* 
which  came  out  on  the  west  side  at  about  Ninety- 
first  Street  and  continued  to  the  Bloomingdale  road. 
Instead  of  keeping  on  to  McGowan's  Pass,  Clinton's 
corps  turned  into  this  cross  road  and  reached  the 
Bloomingdale  end  just  as  Silliman's  troops  were  pass- 
ing north.  Had  the  British  been  a  few  minutes 
earlier  Silliman  would  have  been  intercepted.  He 
was  obliged,  indeed,  to  keep  the  enemy's  advance 
at  bay  with  some  of  his  men  while  the  others 
continued  to  retreat.  Almost  the  only  man  to 
fall  in  this  brief  skirmishins;  was  the  commanding: 
officer  of  the  last  regiment  in  the  line  of  march  — 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Jabez  Thompson,  of  the  second 
Connecticut  militia.    Silliman  retired  to  the  Ameri- 


42 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


can  camp,  while  the  enemy,  darkness  now  setting  in, 
bivouacked  for  the  night  where  they  were. 

Late  in  the  afternoon  a  detachment  from  the 
enemy's  fleet  had  taken  possession  of  the  city,  and 
thus  New  York  and  the  island  south  of  Harlem 
passed  into  British  hands.  The  first  object  of  their 
campaign  had  been  secured ;  but  it  was  September 
15th,  or  two  months  and  a  half  since  they  had 
arrived  with  their  powerful  armament. 

As  to  criticisms  suggested  by  these  movements, 
following  the  Battle  of  Long  Island,  we  may  hold 
Howe  responsible  for  delay  when  he  was  in  per- 
fect control  of  the  situation.  With  a  cooperating 
fleet  he  permitted  the  East  River  to  stand  as  a 
barrier  between  himself  and  the  "  rebels "  for  nine- 
teen days.  After  crossing  he  missed  the  easy 
capture  of  an  entire  brigade  and  some  general 
officers.  On  the  other  hand  Washington,  it  has  been 
observed,  delayed  one  day  too  long  in  evacuating  the 
city  and  island  below  Harlem.  Had  he  withdrawn 
on  the  14th  there  would  have  been  no  Kip's  Bay  dis- 
grace. We  can  justify  him  in  remaining  in  the  city 
as  long  as  the  enemy  took  no  boats  or  ships  into  the 
East  River.  It  was  known  that  they  had  accumu- 
lated many  of  the  former  by  the  12th,  when  a  speedy 
withdrawal  would  have  been  advisable.  When  four 
men-of-war  passed  up  on  the  evening  of  the  14th  it 
would  seem  that  there  was  not  an  hour  to  lose.  But 
it  was  much  to  have  kept  the  enemy  at  bay  in  spite 
of  a  panic  and  loss  of  a  few  militiamen.    The  main 


GROUNDS  OF  CONFIDENCE 


43 


body  of  our  troops  had  not  been  in  peril  since  the  Long 
Island  defeat.  Discouraged  as  he  was  with  the  con- 
duct of  the  men  on  the  15th,  and  obliged  to  report 
another  retreat,  with  loss  of  stores  and  prisoners, 
Washington  could  still  look  across  the  lines  that 
evening  and  reflect  that  thus  far  he  had  been  taken 
at  a  disadvantage  ;  that  opportunities  would  yet  offer 
to  face  the  enemy  on  more  equal  terms ;  that  the 
British  navy  would  be  a  less  important  factor  in  the 
movements  to  follow,  and  that  with  a  better  organ- 
ized and  appointed  army,  such  as  Congress  was  soon 
to  provide  for,  he  could  present  a  different  record  in 
the  field.  Certainly  the  errors  and  experiences  of 
this  summer's  campaign  at  New  York  were  not  to  be 
repeated  during  the  war. 


m 


POSITION   OF  THE   TWO  ARMIES,  SEPTEMBER  16TH  — 
COLONEL  KNOWLTON  AND  HIS  RANGERS. 

"YTTITH   the   foregoing  review   of   the  earlier 


^  ^  events  of  this  campaign  we  reach  the  16th  of 
September,  when  the  Battle  of  Harlem  Heights 
occurred.  A  brief  chapter  on  the  position  of  the 
two  armies  on  the  morning  of  the  action  will  assist 
us  in  following  the  details. 

It  is  important,  first,  to  ascertain  where  the  British 
were  encamped  on  the  evening  of  the  15th.  We  left 
them  at  dusk  along  the  Bloomingdale  cross  road  — 
in  what  is  now  Central  Park,  on  the  line  of  Ninety- 
first  to  Ninety-sixth  Street.  Sir  William  Howe 
reports  that,  "the  position  the  king's  army  took, 
on  the  15th  in  the  evening,  was  with  the  right  to 
Horen's  Hook,  and  the  left  at  the  North  River  near 
to  Bloomingdale."  It  is  this  left  which  we  must  fix 
accurately.  "  Near  to  Bloomingdale  "  might  be  too 
indefinite  for  our  purposes,  did  not  other  references 
fully  explain  Howe's  meaning.  On  the  maps  of  the 
period  "  Bloomingdale  "  is  marked  by  name  at  a  point 
near  the  house  of  Charles  Apthorpe,  which  stood, 
until  pulled  down  in  1891,  just  below  the  cross  road 
or  south  of  Ninety-first  Street  a  little  west  of  Ninth 


THE  BRITISH  ENCAMPMENT 


45 


Avenue.  That  section  was  known  generally  as 
Bloomingdale,  but  the  Apthorpe  mansion,  the 
Striker  place,  just  above  on  the  Hudson,  and  the 
cross  road  gave  it  some  centrality.  Adjutant-Gen- 
eral Kemble  is  more  definite.  He  says :  "  The 
advance  of  our  army  marched  to  the  Black  Horse, 
and  across  from  thence  by  Apthorpe's  House  to  North 
River  and  had  very  near  cut  olf  Mr.  Putnam's  retreat, 
who  brought  off  the  Rebel  rear  guard  from  New 
York,  most  of  whom  and  their  troops  in  general  got 
off  by  the  North  River  road."  Captain  Hutcheson 
confirms  him  in  his  letter  of  September  24th,  1776, 
with  the  statement  that  "  our  advanced  post  is  at 
the  Black  Horse  tavern,  and  the  Army  is  posted 
from  the  North  to  the  East  rivers  quite  across  the 
country  above  Mr.  Apthorp's."  Kemble  and  Hutche- 
son, as  well  as  Montresor,  —  all  officers  at  the  British 
headquarters,  —  are  the  best  of  authorities,  and  only 
recently  have  their  letters  and  journals  become 
accessible.  Where  before  we  were  uncertain,  we  now 
have  the  desired  information.  Howe's  left  is  very 
clearly  associated  with  Apthorpe's.  "Near"  to 
Bloomingdale  in  his  report  means  near  to  this  house 
—  across  "by"  it,  or  "above"  it,  say  Kemble  and 
Hutcheson. 

Furthermore,  certain  references  will  be  made,  in 
connection  with  the  battle,  to  two  other  houses  or 
farms  lying  north  of  Apthorpe's,  which  make  it 
impossible  to  put  Howe's  "evening"  encampment 
much  further  up  on  that  flank.     Near  the  present 


46 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


One  Hundred  and  Sixth  Street,  west  of  the  Bloom- 

mgdale  road,  stood  the  stone  farmhouse  of  Nicholas 

Jones,  and  beyond,  at  the  termination  of  the  road 

(One  Hundred  and  Fifteenth  Street  and  Riverside 

Drive),  was  Adrian  Hoaglandt's.^    East  of  Hoag- 

landt's,  at  the  northeast  corner  of  what  are  now 

the  grounds  of  St.  Luke's  Hospital,  lived  Harman 

Yandewater.    Hoaglandt's  and  Vandewater's  were 

then  the  only  two  houses  on  the  high  grounds  which, 

for  many  years,  while  the  Bloomingdale  Asylum 

stood  there,  were  called  Bloomingdale  Heights,  and 

which  are  now  commonly  known  as   "  Morning- 

^  Map  showing  the  Position  of  the  British,  Evexixg  of 
September  15th,  1776.  —  The  map  on  the  opposite  page  pre- 
sents an  important  piece  of  evidence  confirmatory  of  what  is  said 
above  respecting  the  enemy's  left.  This  is  an  extract  from  a  larger 
plan  of  the  operations  around  New  York,  published  in  London 
late  in  1776,  and  is  of  special  interest  as  showing  the  position 
of  Howe's  encampment  after  the  Kip's  Bay  affair.  It  extends 
across  the  island,  just  about  where  the  authorities  mentioned 
in  the  text  would  locate  it,  —  Horn's  Hook  on  the  right,  Bloom- 
ingdale on  the  left,  with  the  ships  above.  It  lies  some  dis- 
tance below  Harlem,  or  Harlem  Heights."  One  inaccuracy 
appears  in  placing  McGowan's  Pass  north  of  Harlem  instead 
of  south.  The  name  should  be  brought  down  to  the  first  cross- 
roads on  the  main  highway.  On  a  later  edition  of  the  map, 
showing  changes  of  position,  the  "  Pass  "  is  correctly  indicated. 
Copies  of  the  originals  of  both  editions  are  in  the  possession 
of  the  writer.  —  This  map  may  be  compared  with  the  full-page 
plan  (pp.  50-51)  representing  the  position  of  the  two  armies  at 
the  time  of  and  after  the  battle.  It  will  be  observed  that  the 
distance  between  the  advanced  lines  of  the  armies  is,  relatively, 
nearly  the  same  in  each.  The  outposts  do  not  immediately 
face  each  other,  but  a  space  of  a  mile  intervenes  —  an  important 
point,  as  will  be  seen. 


POSITION  NEAR  APTHORPE'S 


47 


side  Heights."  Kemble  will  tell  us  that  Jones'  was 
the  scene  of  a  picket  surprise  the  next  morning,  the 
16th,  and  our  principal  authority  on  the  movements 
of  the  Hessians  states^  that  the  British  outguards 
had  been  posted  the  previous  evening  "  near  to 
John's  House."  On  the  next  day  they  will  be 
fighting  on  "  Hoyland's  "  or  Hoaglandt's  hill.  Jones' 
and  Hoaglandt's  thus  must  both  be  beyond  the 
British  encampment  and  outposts  on  the  evening  in 
question.  That  encampment  extended,  as  Howe 
reports,  along  the  strong  heights  on  the  east  side 
(about  Ninetieth  Street)  to  the  line  of  the  park  at  the 
cross  road,  near  where  the  old  "  Black  Horse  tavern  " 
stood  until  1808,  then  through  fields  now  included  in 
the  park,  and  on  by  Apthorpe's  to  the  North  River. 
This  left  probably  rested  on  Striker's  Bay  (Ninety- 
sixth  Street),  and  was  covered  by  three  men-of-war 
which  had  sailed  up  in  the  morning.  In  a  word,  we 
must  place  the  encampment  below  the  general  line 
of  what  is  now  One  Hundredth  Street,  with  no  ad- 
vanced posts  or  pickets  thrown  out  beyond  One 
Hundred  and  Fifth  Street. 

On  the  larger  plan  of  the  field  it  will  be  observed 
that  the  topography  presents  almost  as  marked  a 
dividing  line  between  the  opposing  armies  as  the 
East  River  had  just  presented.  Each  occupies 
ground  naturally  strong,  the  Americans  having  the 
advantage.    Upon  deciding  to  withdraw  from  New 

1  The  work  of  Max  von  Elkiiig  on  the  part  taken  by  German  troops 
in  the  American  war,  1776-1783. 


48 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


York,  Washington  and  his  generals  fixed  upon  the 
heights  north  of  Harlem  Plains  as  the  best  position 
to  occupy.  Not  all  the  Island  was  to  be  abandoned 
because  the  city  had  been  lost ;  in  addition,  the  im- 
portance of  holding  Fort  Washington  above  as  a 
defence  of  the  Hudson  River  still  impressed  our 
officers.  After  the  Kip's  Bay  retreat,  the  troops 
encamped  on  the  site  referred  to,  which  has  long 
been  known  to  us  as  "Washington  Heights."  The 
camp  extended  from  Washington's  headquarters. 
One  Hundred  and  Sixty-first  Street,  down  to  the 
Manhattanville  depression  or  "Hollow  Way," — the 
valley  extending  diagonally  from  One  Hundred  and 
Twenty-fifth  Street  and  Eighth  Avenue  to  the  Hud- 
son River  at  One  Hundred  and  Thirtieth  Street.  By 
the  army  it  was  generally  called  camp  "Harlem 
Heights,"  although  this  name  was  applied  until 
many  years  after  the  Revolution  to  all  the  high 
ground  around  Harlem  flatlands,  including  Morning- 
side  Heights  and  the  north  end  of  Central  Park.^ 

On  these  heights  Washington  had  about  nine  thou- 
sand men  fit  for  duty  on  the  morning  of  the  16th, 
substantially  the  same  force  that  retreated  from 
Long  Island.  General  Heath  had  four  or  five 
thousand  more  at  Kingsbridge.  The  divisions  of 
Spencer,  Putnam,  and  Greene  were  with  the  com- 
mander-in-chief. Less  than  one-half  the  troops 
were  Continentals,  enlisted  for  the  year;   the  re- 

^  As  to  the  application  of  the  name  "  Harlem  Heights,"  see  further 
in  the  chapter  on  the  "  Previous  Versions  of  the  Battle." 


AMERICAN  LINES  ON  THE  HEIGHTS 


49 


mainder  were  six  months'  state  levies  or  three 
months'  militiamen. 

In  the  new  position,  the  American  soldier  could 
feel  a  certain  sense  of  relief  and  security.  Nature 
assisted  in  restoring  his  resolution.  The  Manhat- 
tanville  Hollow  Way  "  lay  in  front ;  on  the  right, 
the  Hudson  River ;  on  the  left,  the  low  lands 
of  Harlem ;  in  the  rear,  the  lines  of  retreat  were 
protected.  Woods  and  knolls  concealed  the  encamp- 
ment. As  the  site  could  be  made  practically  im- 
pregnable with  defensive  works,  no  time  was  lost  in 
erecting  them.  In  the  course  of  three  weeks  three 
lines  of  entrenchments  and  redoubts  were  projected 
across  the  heights,  as  indicated  on  the  map  of  the 
position.^  The  most  southerly  of  these,  on  the  gen- 
eral line  of  the  present  One  Hundred  and  Forty- 
seventh  Street,  was  the  one  first  thrown  up,  and 
included  three  small  redoubts.  It  was  begun  by  the 
troops  on  the  16th  of  September,  during  the  Harlem 
action,  and,  although  somewhat  weaker  than  the 
second  line  constructed  later,  it  has  been  strongly 
drawn  on  the  plan  to  emphasize  its  immediate  rela- 
tion to  the  day's  occurrences.  At  this  point  Man- 
hattan Island  narrows  sharply  on  the  east  side,  with 
Harlem  flatlands  terminating  above  in  a  marshy 
edge.     The   slope  of   the   heights   becomes  more 

1  This  ground  was  surveyed  by  the  British  engineer  Sauthier  im- 
mediately after  the  fall  of  Fort  Washington,  November  16th.  His 
original  draught,  now  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  indicates  the  lines 
with  great  clearness. 

£ 


50 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


rugged  and  abrupt,  and  the  plateau  at  the  top  af- 
fords an  admirable  defensive  front,  hardly  a  mile  in 
length.  It  was  this  point  that  Washington  deter- 
mined to  fortify,  and  it  was  here  that  most  of  his 
troops  —  Spencer's  and  part  of  Putnam's  divisions  — 
were  posted  as  they  came  up  from  below  on  the 
evening  of  the  15th.  General  George  Clinton  indi- 
cates the  position  of  this  line  in  his  letter  of  the 
21st  (No.  9),  where  he  says :  Our  army,  at  least 
one  Division  of  it,  lay  at  Col.  Morris's  and  so 
southward  to  near  the  Hollow  Way  which  runs 
across  from  Harlem  Flat  to  the  North  River 
at  Matje  Davit's  Fly.  About  halfway  between 
which  two  places  our  lines  run  across  the  River 
[Island]  which  indeed  at  that  time  were  only 
begun,  but  are  now  in  a  very  defensible  state." 
This,  with  other  references,^  locates  the  first  line  at 
One  Hundred  and  Forty-seventh  Street,  which  is 
almost  precisely  "  halfway "  between  the  points 
named.  The  second  line,  with  four  redoubts,  ran 
along  One  Hundred  and  Fifty-third  to  One  Hun- 
dred and  Fifty-fifth  Street;  while  a  third,  without 
redoubts,  was  begun  but  not  completed  at  One  Hun- 
dred and  Sixty-first  Street.  The  position  was  thus 
firmly  secured.  Below  the  lines,  overlooking  the 
Hollow  Way,  Greene's  division  was  posted  as  a 
strong  advance  corps  to  guard  against  surprise  and 
dispute  the  intervening  ground  with  the  enemy 
should  they  attempt  to  advance  upon  the  works. 

1  See  Chapter,  "  Previous  Versions  of  the  Battle." 


BRITISH  HEADQUARTERS 


51 


The  larger  map  also  shows  the  position  of  the  enemy 
more  in  detail.^  Howe  established  his  headquarters 
at  the  Beekman  mansion  then  standing  on  the  line 
of  what  is  now  Fifty-first  Street,  near  First  Avenue. 
This  was  central  to  his  command  —  the  main  body 
being  above  him,  the  city  below,  and  a  brigade  on 
Long  Island.  His  headquarters  have  sometimes 
been  placed  at  Apthorpe's  house  at  the  front,  upon 
the  information  of  a  British  deserter  who  told  Wash- 
ington that  he  believed  "  he  w^as  there.  The  best 
authority,  however,  is  the  writer  of  the  letter  (No. 
49),  who  states  that  "  General  Howe's  headquarters 
are  at  Lieutenant-Colonel  James  Beekman' s  house  on 
the  East  River  near  Turtle  Bay."  ^  Apthorpe's  was 
probably  occupied  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who  had 

^  Map  showing  the  Position  of  the  Two  Armies  near 
Harlem,  from  September  16th  to  October  12th,  1776. — 
Tlie  topography  of  this  map  has  been  compiled  from  official 
charts  of  the  vicinity,  and  the  position  of  the  troops  given 
as  indicated  in  the  orders  of  the  two  commanding  generals. 
Washington's  are  to  be  found  in  Force's  "  Archives,"  and  Howe's 
in  the  Order-book  of  the  Brigade  of  Guards  in  the  possession 
of  the  Xew  York  Historical  Society.  The  main  points  of 
interest  have  been  noticed  in  the  text.  It  shows  at  a  glance 
that  space  enough  lay  between  the  advanced  posts  of  the  two 
armies  on  the  west  side  for  a  considerable  engagement.  After  the 
"affair  "  the  armies  faced  each  other  until  October  12th,  without 
much  change  of  position. 

2  This  letter  has  not  appeared  before  among  documents  bearing  on 
this  campaign.  Though  brief,  it  contains  important  facts.  Mr.  Los- 
sing  was  the  first  of  our  historians  to  put  Howe  at  Beekman's.  See 
his  "  Field  Book  of  the  Revolution,"  Vol.  11.,  pp.  609,  611,  where  he 
offers  good  evidence  from  the  American  side. 


52 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


immediate  command  of  the  advance.  Cornwallis  may 
have  made  the  "  Black  Horse  tavern  "  his  quarters. 
These  two  generals  would  thus  be  on  the  two  main 
roads.  Earl  Percy  we  know  to  have  quartered 
'*near  Hurst's  wharf,"  which  would  put  him  in  the 
vicinity  of  Kip's  Bay.  This  officer  commanded  the 
"  second  Ime,"  and  from  the  position  of  his  quarters, 
it  is  inferred  that  his  troops  were  encamped  as  indi- 
cated on  the  map.^  The  line  of  works  rumiing  across 
from  Jones'  on  the  left,  through  upper  Central  Park, 
on  the  line  of  One  Hundred  and  Sixth  or  Seventh 
Street,  to  McGowan's  Pass,  is  an  important  feature, 
to  which  some  reference  will  be  made  in  the  chapter 
on  the  battle. 

Here  also,  as  introductory  to  the  events  of  the 
16th,  we  must  make  mention  of  Colonel  Thomas 
Knowlton  and  his  Rangers,  who  brought  on  and  were 
especially  conspicuous  in  the  fighting  of  the  day. 

In  his  historical  painting  of  the  Battle  of  Bunker 
Hill,  Trumbull  sacrifices  details  of  position  to  give 
prominence  to  the  inspiring  leaders  in  the  action. 
Warren,   Prescott,  Putnam,  Knowlton,   the  giant 

1  Howe's  orders  for  Sept.  16,  1776,  issued  probably  before  the 
Harlem  action  was  in  full  progress,  read  as  follows :  "  The  Brigade  of 
Light  Infantry  and  the  reserve,  the  3d  and  4th  Brigades  of  British, 
and  the  Hessian  Brigades  of  Stern  and  Donop  are  to  be  under  the 
command  of  Lieutenant-General  Clinton,  who  will  give  his  orders 
about  posting  them.  The  Brigade  of  Guards  with  the  2d  and  6th 
Brigade  of  the  British  are  to  be  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant- 
General  Earl  Percy,  who  will  likewise  give  his  orders  for  posting 
them." 


COLONEL  THOMAS  KNOWLTON 


53 


McClery,  are  in  the  thick  of  the  fray,  in  front  and 
to  the  right  and  left  of  the  "  Pine  Tree  "  standards. 
The  characteristic  figure  in  the  group  is  the  hatless 
and  ununiformed  Knowlton.  He  suggests  the  yeo- 
man or  the  farmer  from  the  plough.  In  his  shirt 
sleeves,  with  powder-horn  and  flint-lock  musket,  he 
is  braving  the  regulars  at  what  seems  to  be  the  dan- 
ger point  in  the  fight. 

Captain  Thomas  Knowlton,  as  he  then  ranked,  had 
already  seen  something  of  war,  having  been  with 
Putnam  on  more  than  one  of  the  French  and  Indian 
campaigns.  He  hailed  from  Ashford,  in  eastern 
Connecticut,  and  at  the  time  of  the  Lexington 
alarm  was  thirty-six  years  old.  "In  person,"  says 
his  biographer,^  "he  was  six  feet  high,  erect  and 
elegant  in  figure,  and  formed  more  for  activity  than 
strength.  He  had  light  complexion,  dark  hair,  and 
eyes  of  deep  spiritual  beauty.  His  literary  education 
was  confined  to  the  narrow  routine  of  studies  then 
taught  in  the  common  schools.  Yet  the  possession 
of  an  intellect  naturally  bright,  and  quick  to  profit 
by  the  experiences  and  associations  of  military  life, 
caused  his  companionship  to  be  sought  by  the  most 
cultivated.  He  was  courteous  and  affable  in  manners, 
and  wholly  free  from  ostentation  and  egotism.  Calm 
and  collected  in  battle,  and,  if  necessity  required,  ready 
to  lead  where  any  could  be  found  to  follow  —  he  knew 
no  fear  of  danger.    The  favorite  of  superior  officers, 

1  "Memoir  of  Colonel  Thomas  Knowlton."  By  Ashbel  Wood- 
ward, M.D.,  1861. 


54 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


the  idol  of  his  soldiers  and  fellow-townsmen,  he  fell 
[at  Harlem  Heights]  universally  lamented." 

With  many  of  his  neighbors  Knowlton  promptly 
answered  the  Lexington  call,  and  a  few  weeks  later 
appeared  as  captain  of  his  town  company  in  Put- 
nam's regiment.  When  informed  by  his  commander 
that  Bunker  Hill  was  to  be  seized  and  fortified,  he 
replied  —  so  his  biographer  tells  us  —  that  the  proj- 
ect was  unmilitary  and  hazardous  ;  "  but,"  he  added, 
"  if  you  are  determined  to  go  upon  the  hill,  I  shall 
accompany  you  with  my  men  and  exert  myself  to 
the  uttermost."  From  that  action  he  returned  to 
camp  with  a  reputation  as  one  of  the  stoutest  de- 
fenders of  the  post  and  rail  fence  on  Prescott's  left. 
Concerned  in  other  exploits  around  Boston,  he  re- 
ceived promotion,  and  in  the  summer  of  1776  we 
find  him  serving  as  lieutenant-colonel  of  Durkee's 
Continental  regiment  with  the  army  at  New  York. 
After  the  Battle  of  Long  Island,  in  which  Knowlton 
and  a  select  party  from  his  regiment  narrowly 
escaped  capture,  he  organized  a  small  corps  of 
"  Rangers,"  such  as  Rogers,  Putnam,  and  others  had 
led  in  the  previous  war.  It  was  composed  of  about 
one  hundred  and  twenty  volunteers  from  Connecti- 
cut and  other  Eastern  regiments,  and  was  expected 
to  be  constantly  at  the  front  watching  the  enemy's 
movements.  The  roster  of  the  detachment  (No.  39) 
in  the  '^Authorities  "  shows  that  it  was  ably  oflnicered, 
Nathan  Hale  being  one  of  the  captains.  Captain 
Thomas  Grosvenor,  whom  Trumbull  has  also  put  in 


KNOWLTON'S  RANGERS 


55 


the  foreground  at  Bunker  Hill,  was  another.  Knowl- 
ton's  son  and  brother  were  in  the  corps.  One  soldier 
who  belonged  to  it  remembered  long  after  that  only 
those  could  join  who  were  willing  "  to  serve  either  by 
water  or  by  land,  by  night  or  by  day."  Another,  in 
speaking  of  Knowlton's  leadership,  recalled  that  he 
never  said  "  Go  on,  boys ! but  always  "  Come  on, 
boys."  This,  the  first  body  of  the  kind  in  Washing- 
ton's army,  was  to  be  succeeded  each  campaign  by 
a  picked  corps  of  Light  Infantry,  organized  on  the 
plan  of  the  similar  corps  in  the  British  army.  When 
the  enemy  landed  at  Kip's  Bay,  the  Rangers  were  on 
duty  along  the  Harlem  shore,  where  the  principal 
attack  was  expected,  and  had  no  share  in  the  day's 
events.  On  the  following  morning  they  will  pre- 
cipitate our  battle,  and  thereafter  be  constantly 
active  in  front  of  the  lines  until,  with  the  capture  of 
Fort  Washington  on  November  16th,  they  disappear 
from  the  service  as  prisoners  of  war. 


IV 


THE  BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 

IHERE  were  anxious  misgivings  in  the  American 


camp  that  evening  as  the  demoralized  militia 
came  in  from  Kip's  Bay,  and  officers  and  soldiers 
realized  how  steadily  the  campaign  was  going 
against  them.  One  month  before  their  outposts 
were  on  the  Brooklyn  hills;  now  New  York  had 
been  lost  and  retreat  was  the  order  of  the  day. 
Nevertheless  let  us  again  take  note  how  small  a  gap 
they  left  between  themselves  and  their  powerful  foe. 
The  enemy,  in  full  force,  were  but  a  mile  and  a  half 
below  them.  Confidence  had  not  wholly  yielded  to 
the  anxiety  of  the  moment.  To  Congress  Washington 
wrote  early  on  the  following  morning  :  "  We  are  now 
encamped  with  the  main  body  of  the  army  on  the 
Heights  of  Harlem,  where  I  should  hope  the  enemy 
would  meet  with  defeat  in  case  of  an  attack,  if  the 
generality  of  our  troops  would  behave  with  tolerable 
bravery.  But  experience,  to  my  extreme  affliction, 
has  convinced  me  that  this  is  rather  to  be  wished  for 
than  expected.  However,  I  trust  that  there  are 
many  who  will  act  like  men,  and  show  themselves 
worthy  of  the  blessings  of  freedom."  The  events 
of  the  day  proved  that  this  trust  was  not  misplaced. 


56 


THE  RANGERS  RECONNOITRE 


57 


Many  a  soldier  responded  to  the  sentiment  which 
moved  young  Captain  Samuel  Shaw  to  write  to  his 
father  on  the  18th  :  "  I  hope,  by  the  blessing  of 
Heaven,  affairs  will  be  in  such  a  posture  this  way  in 
a  few  days,  as  to  bid  defiance  to  their  future  at- 
tempts. Now  or  never  is  the  time  to  make  a  stand, 
and,  rather  than  quit  our  post,  be  sacrificed  to  a 
man.  For  my  own  part,  it  is  but  little  I  can  do,  but 
so  long  as  the  war  lasts,  I  devote  myself  to  it ; "  and 
for  seven  years  longer,  to  the  end  of  the  war,  he  con- 
tinued in  the  field. 

Whether  the  British  would  follow  up  their  success 
the  next  morning  remained  to  be  seen.  It  is  now 
known  that  they  had  no  thought  of  doing  so.  But 
leaving  nothing  to  conjecture,  Washington  directed 
Knowlton  to  make  a  reconnoissance  of  the  enemy's 
position  early  on  the  16th  and  report  upon  their 
movements.^  He  himself  was  up  at  sunrise  writing 
and  despatching  letters  to  Congress,  when  reports 
came  in  that  the  enemy  had  appeared  in  several 
large  bodies  upon  the  plains  below.  These  reports 
proved  to  be  unfounded,  but  he  rode  down  from  his 
headquarters  to  the  most  advanced  posts  overlooking 
the  Manhattanville  Valley,  where  Greene  was  in 
command,  "to  put  matters  in  a  proper  situation  if 
they  should  attempt  to  come  on." 

1  Washington  to  Congress,  morning  of  the  16th  ;  "  I  have  sent  out 
some  reconnoitring  parties  to  gain  intelligence,  if  possible,  of  the  dis- 
position of  the  enemy,  and  shall  inform  Congress  of  every  material 
event  by  the  earliest  opportunity." 


58 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


Knowlton  and  his  Rangers  promptly  moved 
out  before  dawn  and  felt  their  way  southward 
towards  the  British  lines.  Precisely  what  course 
they  took  —  whether,  starting  from  the  right  of  our 
picket  posts  at  about  One  Hundred  and  Thirty- 
second  Street  near  the  Hudson,  they  followed  the 
line  of  Riverside  Drive,  or  whether  they  set  out  from 

Point  of  Rocks"  and  marched  down  the  old  Har- 
lem Lane  towards  McGowan's  Pass  and  then  turned 
'west  to  the  Bloomingdale  road  by  which  Silliman 
escaped  the  evening  before  —  is  unknown  and  in  fact 
immaterial.  It  is  enough  to  know  that  when  we 
hear  of  them  a  little  later,  they  were  at  the  most  im- 
portant point  on  the  enemy's  front.  We  find  them 
stirring  up  their  pickets  on  their  left  —  that  left 
which  rested,  as  we  have  seen,  somewhere  on  the 
Bloomingdale  road  not  far  above  Apthorpe's,  and 
between  which  and  our  pickets  at  the  Hollow  \Yay 
intervened  the  wooded  and  rolling  grounds  of  the 
two  farms  on  Morningside  Heights.  Had  the  enemy 
attempted  an  advance  by  that  flank,  they  could  have 
approached  within  easy  striking  distance  without 
displaying  their  force ;  while  an  advance  on  their 
right  from  McGowan's  up  Harlem  Lane  could  have 
been  observed  at  once  from  the  American  posts  at 
Point  of  Rocks.  Knowlton's  party  was  thus  scout- 
ing in  the  right  direction,  along  the  westerly  side 
near  the  Hudson,  where  the  enemy  were  screened 
from  view. 

It  was  not  until  they  reached  Jones'  farmhouse. 


STIRRING  UP  THE  ENEMY 


59 


about  sunrise,  that  the  Rangers  encountered  the  Brit- 
ish pickets.  This  was  the  stone  house  already  referred 
to  as  standing  on  the  line  of  One  Hundred  and  Sixth 
Street,  west  of  the  Boulevard,  and  its  identification  is 
an  important  fact  in  the  narrative.^  It  establishes 
the  southern  boundary  of  the  battle-field.  In  this 
vicinity  the  skirmishing  of  the  early  morning  began, 
and  here  the  day's  fighting  ended  eight  or  ten  hours 
later.  That  previous  writers  on  this  action  make  no 
mention  of  Jones'  as  a  guiding-point  in  the  topog- 
raphy and  refer  but  briefly  to  the  Rangers'  day- 
brake  "  scouting,  is,  of  course,  due  to  the  absence  of 
the  references  in  the  case  which  have  since  become 
available.  Here,  again,  we  are  under  obligations  to 
Kemble,  Montresor,  Hall,  and  others  for  the  much- 
needed  information.  Kemble,  the  adjutant-general, 
whose  accurate  diary  has  helped  us  out  in  following 
the  incidents  of  the  15th,  makes  this  explicit  entry 
for  the  next  day :  "  Monday,  Sept.  16th.  In  the 
morning  a  party  of  the  enemy  showed  themselves  at 
Jones's  House."  So  too.  Captain  Hall,  in  his  volume 
on  the  earlier  campaigns  of  the  war,  writes  :  "On 
the  16th,  in  the  morning,  a  body  of  the  enemy  moved 
out  of  their  lines  on  Morris's  Heights  and  appeared 
at  a  house  near  the  edge  of  a  wood,  in  front  of  our 

1  "  To  be  Sold  a  Farm  at  Bloomingdale,  about  200  acres  more  or  less, 
seven  miles  from  the  city ;  on  said  farm  is  a  large  strong  stone  built 
house,  pleasantly  situated  near  the  North  River ;  conditions  for  the 
sale  will  be  made  easy  to  a  purchaser.  For  particulars  apply  to 
Nicholas  Jones  on  the  premises,  by  whom  an  indisputable  title  will 
be  given." 

[The  Royal  Gazette,  New  York,  Oct.  28,  1780.] 


60 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


left  flank,  on  which  two  companies  of  light  infantry 
were  sent  to  dislodge  them."  This  is  a  clear  refer- 
ence to  Jones',  as  there  was  no  other  house  above 
Apthorpe's  on  the  Bloomingdale  road  but  Hoaglandt's, 
Avhich  was  too  far  north.  Von  Elking,  who  places 
the  British  pickets  "near  to  Johns  house"  the  even- 
ing before,  confirms  the  foregoing,  while  Sir  William 
Howe  in  his  report  of  the  affair  obviously  locates  his 
outposts  in  the  same  vicinity,  or  south  of  the  Morn- 
ingside  plateau,  when  he  says  that,  "  On  the  16th  in 
the  morning  a  large  party  of  the  enemy  having  passed 
under  cover  of  the  woods  near  to  the  advanced  posts 
of  the  army  hy  way  of  Yaiiderioater  s  Heights,  the  2d 
and  3d  battalions  of  light  infantry,  supported  by  the 
42d  regiment,  pushed  forward  and  drove  them  back 
to  their  entrenchments."  Referring  to  Vandewater's 
Height,  Howe  may  have  intended  either  Vandewater's 
farm  or  the  high  ground  of  Morningside  Heights  gen- 
erally, but  in  any  case,  by  making  Knowlton  approach 
his  posts  "  by  way  of "  that  site,  he  puts  the  posts 
south  of  it  or  somewhere  near  Jones'.  "  By  way  of  " 
presents  no  ambiguity;  and,  no  doubt,  it  was  from 
information  furnished  by  Montresor,  who  was  famil- 
iar with  this  locality  and  from  whom  we  shall  pres- 
ently hear  again,  that  Howe  was  enabled  to  describe 
the  topography  so  accurately.  But  Kemble's  state- 
ment, amply  substantiated  by  Howe,  Hall,  and 
Von  Elking,  settles  the  matter.  The  Rangers  first 
"showed  themselves  at  Jones's  house." 

The   important   fact   is   thus    established  that 


KNOWLTON'S  EARLY  SKIRMISH 


61 


between  the  enemy's  picket  line  below  One  Hun- 
dred and  Sixth  Street  and  that  of  the  Americans 
at  the  northerly  slope  of  Manhattanville,  more  than 
a  mile  above  them,  there  was  field  enough  for  a 
spirited  action;  and  on  this  intermediate  ground 
—  Morningside  Heights  —  the  main  battle  will  be 
fought. 

Jones'  house  stood  on  a  low  hill,  now  nearly  all 
cut  away,  and  as  Knowlton's  men  cautiously  ap- 
proached under  its  cover,  the  enemy's  advanced 
pickets  caught  sight  of  them  through  the  trees  and 
gave  the  alarm.  These  pickets,  light  infantrymen, 
were  evidently  stationed  on  the  Bloomingdale  road 
(Boulevard)  at  about  One  Hundred  and  Fourth 
Street,  with  their  regiments  encamped  a  short  dis- 
tance below.  It  took  no  time,  we  may  be  sure,  for 
the  troops  in  the  van  to  turn  out  and  attack  the  pre- 
sumptuous Rangers.  Two  or  three  of  their  com- 
panies pushed  forward  and  opened  fire.  Knowlton, 
although  dangerously  near  the  enemy's  position, 
bravely  stood  his  ground  for  a  time.  He  seemed  to 
feel  that  there  had  been  running  enough  the  day  be- 
fore, and  called  upon  his  men  to  prove  their  mettle. 
It  would  be  something  to  show  the  Light  Infantry 
soldiers  especially  that  panics  did  not  last  over  night. 
As  the  Rangers  had  been  chosen  to  meet  such  situa- 
tions as  this,  they  did  not  disappoint  their  leader. 
A  brisk  skirmish  took  place.  For  half  an  hour  or 
more,  it  must  have  been,  the  woods  along  the  divid- 
ing line  between  Jones'  and  Hoaglandt's  farms  rang 


62 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


with  sharp  firing  from  both  sides,  when  Knowlton, 
finding  that  the  more  numerous  enemy  were  turning 
his  flank,  ordered  a  retreat,  which  was  effected  with- 
out confusion  or  loss.  One  of  the  ranging  officers 
himself  gives  us  an  account  of  the  affair.^  On 
Monday  morning,"  he  writes,  the  general  ordered 
us  to  go  and  take  the  enemy's  advanced  guard ; 
accordingly  we  set  out  just  before  day  and  found 
where  they  were  ;  at  day-brake  we  were  discovered 
by  the  enemy,  who  were  four  hundred  strong,  and 
we  were  one  hundred  and  twenty.  They  marched 
up  within  six  rods  of  us,  and  then  formed  to  give  us 
battle  which  we  were  ready  for ;  and  Colonel  Knowl- 
ton gave  orders  to  fire,  which  we  did,  and  stood 
theirs  till  we  perceived  they  were  getting  their  flank- 
guards  around  us.  After  giving  them  eight  rounds 
apiece,  the  colonel  gave  orders  for  retreating,  which 
we  performed  very  well,  without  the  loss  of  a  man 
while  retreating,  though  we  lost  about  ten  while  in 
action."  Adjutant-General  Reed,  who  had  ridden 
down  quite  early  to  our  front  to  verify  reports  of 
the  enemy's  advance,  tells  us  that  he  reached  the 
Rangers  just  before  they  were  attacked.  "  I  went 
down  to  our  most  advanced  guard,"  he  writes,  "  and 
while  I  was  talking  with  the  officer,  the  enemy's 
guard  fired  upon  us  at  a  small  distance;  our  men 
behaved  well,  stood  and  returned  the  fire  till  over- 
powered by  numbers  they  were  obliged  to  retreat." 

1  See  letter  Xo.  17,  written  probably  by  Captain  Stephen  Brown, 
who  succeeded  Knowlton  in  command  of  the  Rangers  after  the  action. 


PREPARIXG  FOR  ACTION 


63 


He  adds  that  the  British  followed  them  up  rapidly 
and  that  "  I  had  not  quitted  a  house  five  minutes 
before  they  were  in  possession  of  it."  This  house 
could  have  been  none  other  than  Hoaglandt's,  as 
Yandewater's  was  too  far  to  the  east. 

The  significance  of  this  preliminary  skirmish,  in 
its  bearing  upon  w^iat  followed,  should  be  empha- 
sized. It  not  only  led  to  the  main  fighting  of  the 
day,  but  also  necessitated  certain  general  movements 
and  preparations  within  the  American  camp,  which 
materially  assist  us  in  identifying  its  course.  For  a 
first  effect,  the  skirmish  put  the  advanced  troops  of 
both  armies  immediately  upon  the  alert.  We  can 
readily  tell  w^hat  the  enemy  would  do  upon  unexpect- 
edly hearing  that  rapid  firing  so  close  to  their  lines. 

Eight  rounds  apiece"  —  a  thousand  shots  —  from 
the  Rangers,  and  as  many  more,  no  doubt,  from  the 
Light  Companies,  made  noise  enough  for  military 
ears,  and  presently  British  reenforcements  appeared. 
It  was  at  this  time,  probably,  that,  as  Howe  reports, 
the  2d  and  3d  battalions  of  Light  Infantry,  with 
the  42 d  Highlanders  following,  were  ordered  out  to 
assist  the  forward  companies  in  driving  Knowlton 
off  the  ground. 

Along  the  American  front,  we  may  be  equally 
certain,  every  man  was  at  his  post.  Washington 
himself,  as  already  stated,  had  gone  down  from 
headquarters  to  Greene's  advanced  position  above  the 
Hollow  Way  to  give  directions  in  person.  "  When  I 
arrived  there,"  he  writes,  '^I  heard  a  firing,  which,  I 


64 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


was  informed,  was  between  a  party  of  our  Rangers 
under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Knowlton, 
and  an  advanced  party  of  the  enemy."  Greene's  men 
all  heard  the  firing  below.  It  might  or  might  not 
mean  an  attack  in  force,  but  all  must  be  prepared  for 
stout  resistance,  and  in  those  wooded  hills  superior 
numbers  could  long  be  held  in  check.  At  the  same 
time,  or  earlier,  as  the  references  indicate,  Washing- 
ton put  his  main  force  —  Spencers  and  Putnam's 
divisions  above  —  in  readiness  for  action.  Most  of 
these  troops  were  stationed  along  the  line  of  One 
Hundred  and  Forty-seventh  Street,  where,  as  we 
have  seen,  the  first  entrenchments  were  thrown  up 
across  the  Island.  The  work  upon  them  was  begun 
on  the  morning  of  the  battle  while  Knowlton  was 
skirmishing  with  the  Light  Infantry.  Colonel  Silli- 
man  describes  what  occurred  there :  Yesterday  at 
seven  o'clock  in  the  morning,"  he  writes  on  the  17th, 
we  were  alarmed  with  the  sight  of  a  considerable 
number  of  the  enemy  on  the  Plains  below  us  about  a 
mile  distant.  Our  Brigades  which  form  a  line  across 
the  Island  where  I  am  were  immediately  ordered 
under  arms,  but  as  the  enemy  did  not  immediately 
advance  we  grounded  our  arms  and  took  spades  and 
shovels  and  went  to  work,  and  before  night  had 
thrown  up  lines  across  the  Island.  There  was  noth- 
ino;  before  but  three  little  redoubts  in  about  a  mile, 
and  we  are  at  work  this  day  in  strengthening  them." 
Adjutant  David  Humphreys,  in  Silliman's  brigade, 
adds  that  the  troops  not  engaged  at  the  front,  "  dur- 


THE  AMERICAN  ARMY 


65 


ing  the  action  were  throwing  earth  from  the  new 
trenches  with  an  alacrity  that  indicated  a  determina- 
tion to  defend  them."  The  point  to  observe  in  this 
connection  is  that  our  army  on  the  forenoon  of  the 
16th  was  posted  in  two  lines  across  the  heights^  — 
Greene's  brigades  forming  one  and  Spencer's  and 
Putnam's  the  other  —  and  that  to  effect  anything 


1  Formation  of  the  American  Army  on  Harlem  Heights, 
September  16,  1776.  —  As  nearly  as  can  be  determined,  our  army 
Mas  brigaded  on  the  heights  at  the  time  of  the  action  about  as  fol- 
lows.   See  position  of  the  armies,  map,  pp.  50-51. 

161st  Street 


Washington's 
Headquarters 


Fellows 


General  Spencer's  Division 
Silliman  Wadsworth 


Mifflin 


147th  Street 


General  Putnam's  Division 
Clinton  Heard  Douglas 


133d  Street 


Nixon 


General  Greene's  Division 
Sargent 


Beale 


127th  Street 


Manhattanville  Hollow  Way 


Point  of  Rocks 


66 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


decisive  the  enemy  must  break  through  both.  Neither 
line,  however,  was  disturbed.  What  happened  proved 
to  be  a  surprise  —  an  unexpected  success  won  by  a 
portion  of  our  force  in  an  unexpected  way  just  in 
advance  of  Greene's  position. 

Returning  to  the  Rangers,  we  find  them  retiring 
toward  our  front  with  the  enemy  following  closely. 
It  is  clear  enough  that  they  fell  back  along  the  line 
of  the  old  Bloomingdale  road,  as  it  was  subsequently 
extended  through  Manhattanville  to  the  Kingsbridge 
road  above.  An  older  farm  lane  ran  along  the  same 
course,  which  is  in  part  represented  to-day  by  Clare- 
mont  Avenue  west  of  Columbia  University  and  Bar- 
nard College.  The  street  known  as  Broadway,  where 
it  crosses  the  Manhattanville  depression  east  of  the 
Boulevard,  is  also  part  of  this  lane.  Reed,  on  horse- 
back, as  well  as  Knowlton,  must  have  followed  it  in 
returning  to  the  lines. 

The  British  Light  Troops  had  been  keeping  up 
what  for  the  moment  seemed  to  them  a  merry  chase. 
Pushing  after  the  Rangers  through  the  woods  and 
fields  of  Hoaglandt's  farm,  they  halted  somewhere, 
as  we  shall  see,  on  the  hill  where  Grant's  tomb  now 
stands,  or  the  elevation  known  as  "  Claremont." 
From  that  point  they  could  catch  glimpses  of 
Greene's  troops  on  the  opposite  slopes,  and  there 
they  must  have  rested  for  some  time,  as  it  was  not 
until  after  ten  o'clock  that  the  more  serious  fighting 
of  the  day  began.  Evidently  they  were  in  high  glee, 
and  counted  themselves  well  repaid  for  their  morn- 


THE  BRITISH  LIGHT  TROOPS 


67 


ing's  dash  with  the  noble  view  of  the  Hudson  stretch- 
ing away  before  them,  while  the  sight  of  frightened 
and  flying  rebels  was  worth  the  hunt.  This  w^as  the 
third  time  within  a  month  that  they  had  scattered 
or  driven  Washington's  men  with  ease,  and  it  only 
remained  on  this  occasion  for  their  bugler  to  send 
the  contemptuous  notes  of  the  fox-chase  across  the 
hollow  into  the  American  lines.  A  gallant  set  of 
soldiers  they  were,  and  during  the  war  they  rendered 
their  king  conspicuous  service,  which  in  the  idle  hours 
of  camp  life  they  celebrated  in  the  song : 

^'  Hark !  hark !  the  bugle's  lofty  sound 
Which  makes  the  woods  and  rocks  around 

Repeat  the  martial  strain, 
Proclaims  the  light-armed  British  troops 
Advance  —  Behold,  rebellion  droops, 

She  hears  the  sound  with  pain."  ^ 

But  for  once  these  light  infantrymen  were  to  be 
humbled.  Upon  returning  from  the  skirmish  line, 
Adjutant-General  Reed  immediately  reported  to 
Washington  somewhere  on  the  Manhattanville 
brow,^  and  urged  him  to  reenforce  the  Rangers.  His 

1  From  Rivington's  "  New  York  Gazette,"  1778. 

^  In  his  interesting  sketch  of  this  action,  President  Stiles  places 
the  commander-in-chief  apparently  at  the  "  Point  of  Rocks,"  where  a 
small  redoubt  had  been  thrown  up,  and  there  undoubtedly  he  was  to 
be  found  at  intervals.  Washington  remained  at  the  advanced  posts 
for  at  least  eight  hours  that  day,  and  his  "  station  "  necessarily  shifted 
from  point  to  point,  where  for  the  time  his  presence  was  needed.  The 
probabilities  are  that,  when  Reed  came  in,  he  was  near  the  line  of 
the  present  Boulevard,  the  skirmishing  below  being  on  the  river  side. 


68 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


own  words  are  :  "  Finding  how  things  were  going,  I 
w^ent  over  to  the  General,  to  get  some  support  for  the 
brave  fellows  who  had  behaved  so  well."  With  equal 
numbers  Knowlton  might  turn  the  tables  on  his  pur- 
suers. What  stirred  Reed's  blood,  moreover,  w^as 
the  blast  from  that  Light  Infantry  bugler  referred 
to,  which,  just  at  this  moment,  rang  into  his  ears 
from  the  Claremont  hillside.  "  The  enemy  appeared 
in  open  view,"  he  writes,  and  in  the  most  insulting 
manner  sounded  their  bugle  horns  as  is  usual  after 
a  Fox-chase.  I  never  felt  such  a  sensation  before  — 
it  seemed  to  crown  our  disgrace."  Washington,  it 
would  appear,  was  not  immediately  persuaded  of  the 
advisability  of  forcing  any  more  fighting.  It  be- 
hooved a  weakened  army  to  keep  to  the  defensive, 
and  as  yet  it  was  unknown  to  what  extent  the  Brit- 
ish Light  Corps  was  supported.  To  accept  the  chal- 
lenge might  bring  on  a  general  engagement  which 
the  commander-in-chief  had  no  wish  to  precipitate 
on  that  day  at  least.  But  he  stood  ready,  as  in  more 
than  one  notable  instance  during  the  war,  to  turn  an 
opportunity  to  advantage,  and  after  satisfying  him- 
self that  the  enemy  were  not  in  force  on  the  opposite 
hill,  he  determined  to  humor  then"  audacity  with  an 
enterprise  of  his  own.  He  proposed  to  venture  some- 
thing which,  if  successful,  would  inspirit  his  troops  — 
something,  as  he  wrote  to  Patrick  Henry,  '^to  recover 
that  military  ardour,  which  is  of  the  utmost  moment 
to  an  army." 

Washington,  accordingly,  conceived  the  project. 


WASHINGTON'S  MANCEUVRE 


69 


not  of  driving  the  Light  Infantry  back  to  their  camp, 
but  of  entrapping  them  in  the  Hollow  Way.  With 
such  strategy  he  was  familiar,  and  there  were  men 
around  him  who  would  eagerly  attempt  to  carry  it 
out.  The  plan  was  a  simple  one  :  first,  to  make  a 
feint  in  front  of  the  hill  and  induce  the  enemy  to 
advance  into  the  hollow;  and  second,  to  send  a 
strong  detachment  circuitously  around  their  right 
flank  to  their  rear  and  hem  them  in.  The  plan  was 
destined  to  fail  in  part ;  but  at  the  point  of  failure  it 
developed  into  another  movement  which  resulted  in 
the  happy  event  of  the  day. 

The  two  parties  intended  to  effect  the  manoeuvre 
were  immediately  ordered  out.  The  one  to  act  as  a 
feint  was  composed  of  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
volunteers  from  Nixon's  brigade  of  Greene's  division 
under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Crary,  of  Hitchcock's  Rhode 
Island  Regiment.  They  advanced  into  the  Hollow 
Way  toward  the  enemy,  who  promptly  accepted  battle 
and  ran  down  the  hill  to  meet  them.  So  far  the  plan 
succeeded  as  Washington  wished.  "  On  the  appear- 
ance of  our  party  in  front,"  he  writes,  "  they  [the 
enemy]  immediately  ran  down  the  hill,  and  took  pos- 
session of  some  fences  and  bushes,  and  a  smart  firing; 
began,  but  at  too  great  a  distance  to  do  much  execu- 
tion on  either  side."  An  officer  who  was  an  eye- 
witness of  this  movement  —  Lieutenant  Hodgkins,  of 
Nixon's  brigade  —  states  that  this  command  was 
posted  in  the  edge  of  a  thick  wood  (evidently  at  the 
top  of  the  slope  at  about  One  Hundred  and  Thirty- 


70 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


fifth  Street)  cand  that  by  climbing  trees  the  soldiers 
could  observe  the  enemy's  movements.  Crary's  vol- 
unteers advanced,  which,"  says  Hodgkins,  answered 
the  end  for  which  they  were  sent."  ^'For  our  peo- 
ple," he  proceeds,  ^'  made  the  attack  and  retreated 
towards  us  to  the  place  where  we  wanted  them  to 
come,  and  then  the  enemy  rushed  down  the  hill  with 
all  speed  to  a  plain  spot  of  ground."  The  feint  had 
worked  admirably.  The  redcoats  had  been  drawn 
into  the  Hollow  Way,  and  it  was  only  necessary  to 
hold  them  to  the  spot  until  the  flanking  party  could 
reach  their  rear.  Crary's  men  kept  up  their  firing 
and  presently  Nixon's  entire  brigade  —  about  nine 
hundred  effectives  —  was  sent  to  their  support. 
Whatever  else  might  happen,  the  American  generals 
had  no  intention  of  letting  the  Light  Infantry  pursue 
their  frolic  any  further  in  this  direction.  Hodgkins 
says  of  this  move  :  "  Our  brigade  marched  out  of  the 
woods,  then  a  very  hot  firing  began  on  both  sides 
and  lasted  for  upwards  of  an  hour."  Another  officer. 
Captain  Gooch,  also  of  Nixon's,  confirms  Hodgkins 
with  the  statement  that  after  Crary's  volunteers 
opened  the  fight  a  terrible  fire  "  greeted  his  ears, 
and  "  orders  came  for  the  whole  brigade  immediately 
to  march."  Washington,  already  quoted,  speaks  of 
the  "smart  firing"  at  this  point,  but  notices  that  it 
was  at  too  long  range  to  do  much  damage.  Under 
his  plan  the  enemy  were  not  then  to  be  pushed. 

It  is  with  Crary's  feigned  attack  and  the  descent 
of  the  Light  Infantry  into  the  Hollow  Way,  that  the 


MARTJE  DAVID'S  FLY 


71 


main  action  of  the  day  begins.  We  must,  accord- 
ingly, digress  a  moment  to  establish  the  identity  of 
the  spot.  Having  shown  how  far  south  the  enemy 
were  first  encountered,  namely,  near  Jones'  house,  it 
remains  to  indicate  the  northerly  point  at  which  they 
were  forced  to  turn  back.  That  point  was  the  new 
position  in  question,  and  the  records  are  decisive  as 
to  the  locality.  Referring  to  the  "Plan"^  of  the 
battle,  it  will  be  seen  that  the  northern  projection  of 
Morningside  Heights  on  the  river  side  —  Claremont 

^  Plan  of  the  Battle  of  Harlem  Heights.  —  The  topo- 
graphical features  of  this  plan,  including  the  present  streets 
and  the  old  farm  lines,  have  been  compiled  from  official  sources. 
Hoaglandt's  and  Vandewater's  farms,  on  which  the  battle  was 
mainly  fought,  were  surveyed  in  1786  by  Casimir  T.  Goerck, 
the  official  city  surveyor,  and  his  draught  has  been  reproduced. 
Even  the  location  of  the  orchard  is  fixed.  In  1784  the  "New 
York  Packet "  advertised  for  sale  Hoaglandt's  "  noted  farm," 
having  on  it  "a  valuable  orchard  of  grafted  fruit."  Mr.  N. 
De  Peyster  bought  the  farm ;  and  in  his  deed  the  line,  as  meas- 
ured from  north  to  south,  runs  from  a  certain  point  "to  the 
orchard,  thence  southwesterly  across  the  said  orchard  as  by  a 
petition  fence  now  divided  [see  "  Plan  "]  to  the  southwest  fence 
of  the  said  orchard."  Lib.  41,  Conveyances,  pp.  434-437. 
The  deeds  of  Jones'  farm  are  of  record ;  and  on  the  commis- 
sioners' manuscript  survey  of  the  city  made  in  1807,  the  house 
is  located  as  described  in  these  pages.  Martje  David's  Fly  is 
so  important  a  landmark  that  a  separate  plan  of  it  is  given 
elsewhere  in  this  work.  It  will  be  observed  that  the  descrip- 
tion and  measurements  given  by  Clinton  are  in  accord  with 
the  topography  of  the  plan,  and  cannot  be  reconciled  with  any 
other  location  of  the  battle-field  than  that  here  indicated. 
Modern  improvements  have  largely  levelled  the  rough  features 
of  Morningside  Heights,  but  the  "  Plan  "  accurately  represents 
the  original  lines  and  boundaries. 


72 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


Hill  —  terminates  at  the  bay  described  as  "  Martje 
David's  Fly."  This  bay,  subsequently  known  as 
"Harlem  Cove/'  has  disappeared  under  the  process 
of  filling  in  and  the  building  of  docks  and  ferry 
slips.  The  older  Dutch  name,  the  ^'Fly"  or  "Vly," 
properly  described  the  salt  meadow  which  skirted  the 
cove  between  high  and  low  water  mark.  It  was  also 
known  as  the  "  Round  Meadow  "  in  much  the  same 
sense  that  a  similar  meadow  on  Sherman's  Creek 
above  Fort  George  was  called  "  salt "  or  "  round." 
The  Fly  set  inland  into  a  swampy  lot  reaching 
nearly  to  the  Boulevard  on  the  line  of  One  Hundred 
and  Thirtieth  Street,  which  accounted  for  the  bend 
in  the  lane  running  through  the  Hollow  Way  to  the 
"Landing."  The  topography  of  Claremont  remains 
unchanged  either  in  its  pointed  slope  down  to  the 
river  terminating  at  the  Fly  at  One  Hundred  and 
Twenty-ninth  Street,  or  in  its  more  irregular  and 
abrupt  descent  at  the  base  just  below  the  same  street 
nearer  the  Boulevard. 

In  his  accounts  of  the  action.  General  George  Clin- 
ton, an  eye-witness  and  participator,  makes  "  Martje 
David's  Fly  "  an  important  landmark.  His  reference 
to  it,  with  confirmatory  testimony,  is  especially  valu- 
able for  our  purposes,  as  he  had  been  a  member  of  the 
commission  to  survey  the  line  of  Harlem  Commons 
in  1774  and  was  familiar  with  the  surroundings. 
The  line  began,  according  to  the  commission's  report, 
"  on  a  certain  point  on  the  east  side  of  Hudson's 
River  on  the  south  side  of  the  bay,  lying  before  a 


WHERE  THE  ACTION  BEGAN 


73 


certain  piece  of  meadow  commonly  known  by  the 
name  of  the  Round  Meadow  or  Mutje  David's  Fly." 
Clinton  writes  from  accurate  knowledge^  and  his  two 
letters  tracing  the  progress  of  the  engagement  are  to 
be  followed  closely.  In  that  of  September  18th,  to 
the  New  York  Convention,  he  says :  "  On  Monday 
morning,  about  ten  o'clock,  a  party  of  the  enemy, 
consisting  of  Highlanders,  Hessians,  the  Light  Infan- 
try, Grenadiers,  and  English  Troops  (Number  uncer- 
tain) attack'd  our  advanc'd  party,  commanded  by 
Coll.  Knowlton  at  Martje  Davit's  Fly.^  They  were 
opposed  with  spirit,  and  soon  made  to  retreat  to  a 
clear  Field,  southwest  of  that  about  200  paces." 
Again  to  Dr.  Tappen  he  writes  on  the  2 1st :  "  On 
Monday  Morning  the  Enemy  attacked  our  Advanced 
Party  Commanded  by  Colo.  Knowlton  (a  brave  offi- 
cer who  was  killed  in  the  Action)  near  the  Point  of 
Matje  Davit's  Fly  —  the  Fire  was  very  brisk  on  both 
sides  —  our  People,  however,  soon  drove  them  back 
into  a  clear  field,  about  200  Paces  South  East  [west] 
of  that."  These  references,  "at  Matje  Davit's  Fly" 
and  "near  the  point  of  Matje  Davit's  Fly,"  are  suffi- 
ciently precise.  Clinton  clearly  w^ould  have  us  un- 
derstand that  the  attack  occurred  near  the  river, 
close  to  a  well-known  locality.  The  "poinV  referred 
to  may  be  either  the  easterly  edge  of  the  meadow  at 

^  Knowlton,  as  we  have  seen,  w^as  not  attacked  by  the  enemy  for 
the  first  time  at  the  Fly,  but  at  Jones'.  The  attack,  however,  was 
kept  up  to  the  Fly  or  vicinity.  The  point  of  the  reference  is,  that 
the  enemy  advanced  no  further  than  the  Fly.  "Our  people,"  says 
Clinton,  "soon  drove  them  back  "  to  a  field  southwest  of  that. 


74 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


the  bend  of  the  lane,  as  shown  on  the  "  Plan,"  or 
more  probably  it  was  the  point  of  land,  Clareniont, 
sloping  to  the  meadow.  Washington  and  the  other 
eye-witnesses  describe  the  enemy  as  running  down  a 
hill,  and  Clinton,  referring  to  the  same  movement, 
puts  them  at  and  near  the  Fly.  There  is  no  other 
hill  there  to  satisfy  the  conditions  but  Claremont,  so 
that  the  new  position  of  the  Light  Infantry  is  estab- 
lished with  approximate  accuracy.  We  must  place 
them  in  the  Hollow  Way  in  the  immediate  vicinity 
of  the  Boulevard  and  One  Hundred  and  Twenty- 
ninth  Street.  That  is  "at"  and  "near"  the  Fly. 
There  where  the  first  cluster  of  houses  stood  in  old 
Manhattanville  we  have  the  scene  of  the  beginning 
of  the  main  action  of  Harlem  Heights.^ 

With  these  points  in  the  topography  determined, 
we  can  follow  the  progress  of  the  battle  more  intelli- 
gently, and  especially  the  course  of  the  flanking 
party,  of  which  much  was  expected.  This  detach- 
ment, about  two  hundred  strong,  was  composed  of 
Knowlton's  Rangers,  now  back  at  the  lines,  reen- 
forced   with   three    companies    of    riflemen  from 

1  The  recollections  of  Colonel  Henry  Rutgers,  an  old  New  Yorker, 
present  in  the  American  camp  on  the  16th,  are  important.  After  the 
loss  of  the  city,  he  says  (No.  36) :  "  A  division  of  the  British  army, 
taking  the  Bloomingdale  road,  arrived  at  Manhattanville,"  where  fight- 
ing occurred.  As  Claremont  Hill  has  both  a  northerly  and  easterly 
slope,  it  is  difficult  to  determine  where  the  enemy  "  ran  down  " ;  but 
probably  on  the  eastern  side,  as  they  would  then  have  the  lane  behind 
them  and  a  gentler  ascent  in  their  rear,  should  they  be  driven  back. 
There  is  no  ground  east  of  the  Boulevard  that  can  be  called  a  hill 
"  near  "  the  Fly. 


THE  FLANKING  PARTY 


75 


Weedon's  Third  Virginia  Regiment  under  the  com- 
mand of  Major  Andrew  Leitch.^  Weedon's  battalion 
had  arrived  in  camp  only  a  few  days  before,  and  dur- 
ing the  forenoon  it  had  been  posted  prominently  at  the 
front.  Recruited  largely  from  the  vicinity  of  Fred- 
ericksburg,—  Weedon  and  Leitch  both  came  from 
that  place,  —  Washington  was  acquainted  with  many 
of  the  officers  and  men  and  felt  that  under  the  pride 
of  old  and  new  associations  they  would  give  a  good 
account  of  themselves.  On  its  rolls  are  the  names 
of  Captain  William  Washington  and  Lieutenant 
James  Monroe,  who  were  distinguished  on  later 
fields.  Monroe  is  said  to  have  been  in  this  affair  of 
Harlem  Heights.  With  these  fine  bodies  of  men  — 
Rangers  and  Riflemen  —  Knowlton  and  Leitch  set 
out  to  execute  the  flank  movement.  Crossing  the 
valley,  necessarily  some  distance  east  of  the  point 
where  Crary  was  engaging  the  enemy,  they  appear 
to  have  aimed  for  the  ledge  of  rocks  near  One 
Hundred  and  Twenty-fourth  Street  and  the  Boule- 
vard on  which  Fort  Laight  was  erected  during  the 
war  of  1812.  Could  they  reach  it  unobserved,  the 
Light  Infantry  would  be  surrounded.  But  unfortu- 
nately, through  no  mistake  of  theirs,  the  attempt 
failed  of  complete  success.  Washington  reports  that 
"unluckily  they  began  their  attack  too  soon,  as  it 

1  The  three  companies  were  commanded  by  Captains  West,  Thorn- 
ton, and  Ashby.  For  the  part  taken  by  AVeedon's  men,  see  the  extract 
from  a  letter  of  one  of  his  officers,  given  in  the  chapter  on  "  Previous 
Versions  of  the  Battle  "  in  connection  with  the  site. 


76 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


was  rather  in  flank  than  in  rear."  Colonel  Reed, 
who  went  with  them,  claims  that  one  of  the  regi- 
ments in  the  "feint"  made  a  movement  by  which 
Leitch,  who  led  the  flankers,  was  diverted  from  the 
proposed  course.  Some  subordinate  officer,  mislead- 
ing the  party,  took  them  "'  out  of  the  road  I  in- 
tended," adds  Reed.  There  was  some  "  misappre- 
hension," Washington  again  writes,  and  the  Light 
Infantry  were  not  hemmed  in.  The  mistake  may 
have  been  due  in  part  to  the  enemy's  movements. 
At  Manhattanville  the  British  had  stood  their  ground 
for  nearly  an  hour,  exchanging  a  brisk  fire  with  Crary 
and  Nixon  —  when,  as  Clinton  reports,  they  were 
forced  "  to  retreat  to  a  clear  field  southwest  of  that 
about  two  hundred  paces,  where  they  lodged  them- 
selves behind  a  fence  covered  with  bushes.  Our 
people  attacked  them  in  turn,  and  caused  them  to 
retreat  a  second  time,  leaving  five  dead  on  the  spot." 
It  is  possible  that  the  Light  Troops,  feeling  the 
pressure  of  the  feint,  fell  back  to  the  fence  in  ques- 
tion (near  Fort  Laight),  just  as  Leitch  and  Knowl- 
ton  were  coming  around  to  the  same  point,  in  which 
case  they  would  be  taken  in  flank  and  not  in  rear. 

The  "  fence  "  overgrown  with  bushes  was  probably 
that  which  marked  the  northern  boundary  of  Hoag- 
landt's  farm  as  shown  on  the  "  Plan."  It  stood  on 
the  division  line  between  the  New  York  and  Harlem 
Commons,  and  crossed  the  Boulevard  at  about  One 
Hundred  and  Twenty-fourth  Street.  Hardly  had 
the  enemy  taken  cover  there  when  Knowlton's  men 


FALL  OF  LEITCH  AND  KNOWLTON 


77 


struck  their  flank  and  at  once  joined  in  the  fight. 
That  the  parties  encountered  each  other  at  the  point 
indicated  seems  to  be  made  clear  by  Reed's  descrip- 
tion and  Clinton's  references.  "  In  a  few  minutes," 
says  the  former,  "  our  brave  fellows  mounted  up  the 
rocks  and  attacked  them  —  then  they  ran  in  turn"  ; 
and  again,  "  We  went  up,  both  men  and  officers, 
with  great  spirit."  Sergeant  Burnham  of  the 
Rangers  remembered  that  in  passing  over  they  fell 
in  with  the  enemy's  right  flank  ^'  posted  out  of  sight 
on  lower  ground,"  and  that  the  Infantry  fired  upon 
them  as  they  reached  "  the  top  of  the  height." 
Such  definite  landmarks  and  guides  as  the  rocks,  the 
fence,  the  Fly,  the  distances  by  paces,  the  top  of  the 
height,  the  hill  behind  the  enemy,  and  the  general 
course  of  the  fighting  make  it  difficult  to  place  the 
scene  of  Knowlton's  attack  at  any  other  point  on 
Morningside  Heights.  We  must  associate  it  with 
the  vicinity  of  old  Fort  Laight.^ 

The  proximate  identification  of  this  spot  is  of  spe- 
cial interest  because  here  fell  the  two  brave  leaders 
of  the  flanking  detachment.  Leitcli,  in  advance,  re- 
ceived three  wounds  within  a  few  minutes  and  was 
carried  off  the  field.    "  He  conducted  himself  on  this 

^  This  fort  was  a  small  redoubt  erected  in  October,  1814,  by  the 
8oth  Regiment  New  York  State  Militia,  and  named  after  their  colonel, 
Edward  W.  Laight,  of  this  city.  It  stood  on  the  rocky  point,  a  short 
distance  east  of  the  Boulevard,  about  halfway  between  One  Hundred 
and  Twenty-third  and  Twenty-fourth  streets.  Tlie  former  street  has 
been  cut  through  the  ledge.  See  photograph  of  the  site  on  another 
page. 


78 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


occasion/'  says  Colonel  Griffith,  "in  a  manner  that 
does  him  the  greatest  honor,  and  so  did  all  his  party."  ^ 
Almost  immediately  after,  Colonel  Knowlton  also  fell 
mortally  wounded.  Mounting  the  ledges  at  the  head 
of  his  men,  with  characteristic  courage  he  exposed 
himself  to  the  enemy  and  received  their  fire.  Some 
of  his  men  fell  with  him.  The  hero  of  Bunker  Hill 
accepted  his  fate  with  a  fortitude  and  devotion  that 
impressed  his  comrades.  Reed  tells  us  that  "  w^hen 
gasping  in  the  agonies  of  death  all  his  inquiry  was  if 
we  had  drove  the  enemy."  Captain  Brown,  of  the 
Rangers,  wrote  with  evident  feeling :  "  My  poor  Col- 
onel, in  the  second  attack,  was  shot  just  by  my  side 
—  the  ball  entered  the  small  of  his  back.  I  took 
hold  of  him,  asked  him  if  he  was  badly  wounded  ? 
he  told  me  he  was ;  but,  he  says,  '  I  do  not  value  my 
Life  if  we  do  but  get  the  day.'  I  then  ordered  two 
men  to  carry  him  off.  He  desired  me  by  all  means 
to  keep  up  this  flank.  He  seemed  as  unconcerned 
and  calm  as  though  nothing  had  happened  to  him." 
The  trusty  soldier  lived  but  an  hour  and  was  buried 
on  the  following  day  with  all  the  honors  of  w^ar. 
His  loss  was  felt  throughout  the  army.  In  his  orders 
of  the  ITth,  Washington  fittingly  referred  to  him  as 
"  the  gallant  and  brave  Colonel  Knowlton  who  w^ould 
have  been  an  honor  to  any  Country."  Major  Leitch, 
whose  wounds  had  not  been  regarded  as  dangerous, 
died  on  October  1st.    His  name  appeared  as  the  pa- 

1  Colonel  Griffith's  letter,  No.  29,  gives  some  particulars  of  Leitch's 
fall  and  the  nature  of  his  wounds. 


DRIVING  THE  ENEMY 


79 


role  for  the  day  after  the  battle,  and  that  the  memory 
of  the  leader  of  the  Rangers  was  kept  green  in  camp 
is  suggested  by  the  record  in  an  old  orderly  book  in 
the  Library  of  Congress,  in  which  the  parole  an- 
nounced for  March  18,  1778,  at  Valley  Forge,  is 
"Knolton."  ^ 

Notwithstanding  the  loss  of  their  leaders,  the 
Rangers  and  Riflemen  pressed  on,  and  in  \Yashing- 
ton's  words,  "  continued  the  engagement  with  the 
greatest  resolution."  The  feint  also  developed  into 
an  attack,  and  the  Light  Troops  were  driven  from 

^  Burial  Place  of  Knowlton  and  Leitch.  — Where  these 
officers  were  buried  is  a  matter  of  conjecture.  The  spot  was 
probably  on  or  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  old  Breakneck 
Hill,  on  the  line  of  St.  Nicholas  Avenue,  running  up  to  One 
Hundred  and  Eorty-seventh  Street.  Heath  tells  us  that  Major 
Henly  was  buried  by  Knowlton's  side,  and  the  orders  of  Sep- 
tember 24th  state  that  the  former  was  to  be  buried  from  his 
brother's  quarters  "  below  the  hill  where  the  redoubt  is  thrown 
up  on  the  road."  This  was  Breakneck  Hill.  The  burial  place 
could  not  have  been  far  away.  Lossing  and  others  state  that 
both  Knowlton  and  Leitch  were  buried  in  a  redoubt  on  the  site 
of  the  present  Trinity  Cemetery,  West  One  Hundred  and  Fifty- 
fourth  Street.  But  that  redoubt  had  not  been  constructed  at  that 
date.  The  place  was  wooded  and  at  a  distance  from  the  main 
road.  There  were  no  associations  connected  with  it  that  would 
lead  to  its  selection  as  the  burial  place  of  prominent  officers. 
Dr.  Woodward,  Knowlton's  biographer,  knew  many  of  the 
colonel's  comrades,  and  gathered  material  for  his  Memoir  in 
part  from  them.  He  states  that  Knowlton  "  was  buried  with 
military  honors  near  the  road  leading  from  Kingsbridge  to  the 
city."  This  is  probably  correct.  The  spot  might  be  marked 
at  any  point  on  St.  Nicholas  Avenue  between  One  Hundred 
and  Thirty-fifth  and  One  Hundred  and  Forty-fifth  streets. 


80 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


tlie  fence.  Clinton  states  that  we  brought  two  pieces 
of  artillery  to  bear  upon  them  at  this  point  which 
fairly  put  them  to  flight  with  two  discharges."  So 
a  second  time  they  gave  way ;  and  with  the  aid  of 
Clinton's  and  Reed's  four  circumstantial  letters  we 
can  follow  them  from  field  to  field.  From  the  fence 
they  must  needs  retreat  up  the  hill  —  not  up  its 
Claremont  slope  down  which  they  may  have  run, 
but  straight  back  toward  camp  along  the  line  of  the 
Boulevard  and  the  Bloomingdale  lane.  As  Clinton 
says,  The  second  time,  our  people  pursued  them 
closely  to  the  top  of  a  hill.  .  .  .  We  pursued  them  to 
a  buckwheat  field  on  the  top  of  a  high  hill,  distance 
about  four  hundred  paces,  where  they  received  a  con- 
siderable reenforcement,  with  several  field-pieces,  and 
there  made  a  stand.  A  very  brisk  action  ensued  at 
this  place  which  continued  about  two  hours.  Our 
people  at  length  worsted  them  a  third  time."  This 
is  spirited  and  definite,  and  confirmed  by  others. 
Lieutenant  Hodgkins,  already  quoted,  goes  on  to  say 
with  Clinton :  Then  the  enemy  retreated  up  the 
hill  and  our  people  followed  them  and  fought  them 
near  an  hour  longer."  Colonel  Tilghman  adds  that 
our  men  rushed  on  and  "  drove  the  enemy  from  the 
wood  into  a  buckwheat  field." 

The  location  of  this  hilltop  and  field  which  mark 
the  third  stage  in  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  and  the 
site  of  the  principal  fighting,  can  readily  be  fixed 
within  general  limits.  The  "  hilltop  "  was  the  high 
ground  extending  from  Columbia  University  around 


THE  MAIN  BATTLE-FIELD 


81 


westwardly  and  northerly  to  Grant's  tomb  and 
Claremont.  In  falling  back,  the  enemy,  as  stated, 
would  presumably  occupy  the  southern  brow,  cover- 
ing the  Bloomingdale  lane  and  the  retreat  to  Jones'. 
This  would  take  them  to  about  the  line  of  One  Hun- 
dred and  Twentieth  Street  between  the  Boulevard 
and  Riverside  Drive.  Somewhere  there  the  buck- 
wheat field  would  be  found,  five  or  six  hundred  paces 
from  the  fence.  In  that  vicinity,  on  and  northwest  of 
the  grounds  of  Columbia  University  and  Barnard  Col- 
lege, occurred  the  main  battle  of  Harlem  Heights.^ 

^  Traditions  and  Relics  of  the  Battle-field.  —  The 
recollections  of  some  old  people,  preserved  by  the  late  Mr. 
Moore,  librarian  of  Lenox  Library,  before  any  accounts  of 
Harlem  Heights  had  been  written,  are  of  interest.  See  in 
"  Authorities,"  No.  37,  where  Mrs.  McGowan,  who  lived  in  the 
vicinity,  states  that  the  action  occurred  on  the  hill  "  near  the 
Bloomingdale  Asylum  "  (present  Columbia  grounds).  Another 
puts  the  spot  where  Knowlton  fell  between  the  asylum  and 
Manhattanville,  bearing  out  the  references  in  the  text.  In 
Mr.  Benedict's  pamphlet,  to  be  noticed  later,  a  letter  appears, 
on  p.  51,  from  a  Mr.  Humphrey  Jones,  who  says :  "  My  father 
at  one  time  lived  at  Manhattanville,  and  he  has  shown  me  the 
battle-ground.  It  commenced  on  the  hill  near  the  Asylum.'' 
Mr.  Kelby  of  the  Historical  Society  informs  the  writer  that  a 
son  of  John  Pessenger,  a  butcher  in  the  Revolutionary  army, 
who  attended  Leitch  during  his  illness,  used  to  point  out  the 
large  field  immediately  west  of  Columbia  as  the  place  where 
his  father  told  him  the  enemy's  dead  were  buried.  On  one 
occasion  Mr.  Kelby  accompanied  Pessenger,  who  identified  the 
spot.  Recollections  are  to  be  accepted  cautiously,  but  in  this 
case  they  are  all  supported  by  the  contemporary  documents. 

Pew  relics  from  Revolutionary  battle-fields  have  been  pre- 
served. On  Manhattan  Island  they  have  been  picked  up  mainly 
on  Washington  Heights,  and  represent  the  fighting  at  the 
o 


82  BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 

From  every  account  it  was  a  gallant  action.  In 
this  new  position  the  fighting  grew  into  a  pitched 
battle,  lasting  from  noon  until  about  two  o'clock. 
Washington  had  limited  the  morning's  movement  to 
an  attempt  to  capture  the  British  Light  Troops ;  but 
finding,  on  its  failure,  that  his  men  were  showing 
fine  spirit  and  dash  in  advancing  through  the  woods 
and  up  the  hill,  he  commended  their  example  by 
sending  in  supports  and  permitting  them  to  engage 
in  a  direct  attack.  Among  others,  he  ordered  out 
several  companies  of  the  Maryland  Flying  Camp  " 
or  state  troops  from  General  Beale's  brigade,  —  three 
under  Major  Price,  three  under  Major  Mantz  of  Grif- 
fith's regiment,  and  three  under  Major  Eden  of 
Ewing's,^  with  some  from  Richardson's ;  also  Colonel 
Sargent's  brigade  from  Greene's  command — Nixon's 
brigade  from  the  same  division  being  already  in  the 
field ;  Colonel  Douglas'  regiment,  one  of  those  swept 
up  in  the  Kip's  Bay  panic  of  the  day  before ;  and 
the  remainder  of  Weedon's  battalion.  Nearly  eigh- 
teen hundred  men  were  soon  engaged  on  our  side  at 
the  buckwheat  field  on  the  hilltop.    To  direct  and 

capture  of  Fort  Washington,  Nov.  16,  1776.  Three-pound 
cannon-balls,  the  only  size  fired  by  the  British  on  September  16, 
picked  up  many  years  ago  on  the  field  of  the  Harlem  action  at 
One  Hundred  and  Twenty-first  Street,  near  Claremont  Avenue, 
are  in  the  writer's  possession. 

1  Wednesday,  Oct.  30,  1776,  died  Major  James  Eden  of  Colonel 
Ewing's  Maryland  Flying  Camp,  and  was  buried  from  Stronbergh 
Church,  East  Xew  Jersey.  His  bravery  was  "  displayed  u\  an  especial 
manner  on  York  Island  in  the  engagement  of  the  16'^  of  September." 
—  Philadelphia  Paper,  1776. 


THE  TROOPS  ENGAGED  83 

encourage  them  by  example,  Generals  Putnam, 
Greene,  and  George  Clinton,  Colonel  Reed,  and  other 
members  of  Washington's  staff  joined  in  the  battle. 
Our  line  must  have  extended  from  the  northern  part 
of  the  Columbia  grounds  westerly  to  Claremont 
Avenue  or  beyond,  and  from  the  direction  the  troops 
took  as  they  went  into  the  field  it  is  probable  that 
Greene's  brigades  —  Nixon's  and  Sargent's  —  formed 
the  right  and  that  the  Rangers,  Riflemen,  Flying 
Camp,  and  others  formed  the  left.  The  main  body 
of  the  commands  represented  New  England,  Mary- 
land, and  Virginia,  with  volunteers  from  New  York, 
New  Jersey,  and  Pennsylvania. 

The  enemy,  also,  were  reenforced.  Brigadier- 
General  Leslie  brought  up  the  2d  and  3d  Light 
Lifantry  battalions  and  the  42d  Highlanders,  while 
the  increased  firing  soon  prompted  the  British  Gen- 
eral to  support  him  with  Cornwallis'  Reserves,-^  in- 
cluding the  Grenadiers,  the  33d,  two  field-pieces,  a 
battalion  of  Hessian  Grenadiers,  and  a  company 
of  Hessian  Yagers  or  riflemen.  Captain  Harris  of 
the  Grenadiers  remembers  that  they  were  trotted 
about  three  miles  without  a  halt  to  draw  breath." 
The  field-pieces  and  the  Yagers  alone  reached  the 

^  The  command  known  as  the  Reserve  "  in  the  British  army  was 
composed  of  the  four  battalions  of  Grenadiers  and  the  33d  and  42d 
regiments.  It  was  a  "  Reserve,"  not  to  the  army  at  large,  but  to  the 
van  composed  of  the  three  Light  Infantry  battalions.  Its  place  was 
in  the  advance,  and  in  this  campaign  it  was  commanded  by  Earl 
Cornwallis.  See  the  plan  of  the  "  Position  of  the  Two  Armies,  Sept. 
16-Oct.  12,  near  Harlem,"  where  the  encampment  of  this  corps  is  indi- 
cated with  substantial  accuracy. 


84 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


hill  in  time  to  engage,  and  but  for  Montresor's  exer- 
tions, if  we  read  his  statement  correctly,  the  guns 
would  not  have  been  there.  At  McGowan's  Pass  he 
found  Lieutenant  Wallace  with  two  three-pounders, 
but  no  horses,  so  he  had  them  "  hauled  by  hand  "  to 
the  front,  where  they  did  good  execution  firing  sixty 
rounds  apiece.^  As  for  the  Yagers,  they  swarmed 
forward,  says  Yon  Elking,  and  "soon  came  into  a 
hot  contest  on  Hoyland's  hill.^ "  Although  numeri- 
cally somewhat  inferior  to  our  forces,  the  corps 
engaged  were  among  the  choicest  in  Howe's 
army. 

The  enemy  stoutly  and  proudly  held  their  position, 
but  appear  to  have  made  no  attempt  to  drive  us 
from  the  field  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  The 
sharp  fire  of  the  Rangers  and  Riflemen  and  the 
determined  courage  which  all  the  American  troops 
displayed  put  them  on  the  defensive.  Many  of  our 
officers,  writing  as  eye-witnesses,  applaud  the  fine 
behavior  of  their  men.    Nixon's  brigade  included 

^  As  stated  in  a  previous  note,  three-pound  cannon-balls  have  been 
found  on  the  battle-ground,  One  Hundred  and  Twenty-first  Street 
and  Claremont  Avenue.  Whether  the  Americans  brought  artillery 
into  the  field  is  uncertain.  Clinton  states  that  two  pieces  were  used 
in  the  beginning  of  the  fight  in  the  Hollow  Way,  but  it  may  be 
doubted  whether  they  were  dragged  up  the  hill  to  the  buckwheat  field. 
Some  accounts  state  that  Captain  Oliver  Brown,  of  the  American 
Artillery,  fought  two  guns  throughout  the  action. 

2  The  hill  on  which  the  action  occurred  stood  partly  in  "  Hoy- 
land's  "  [Hoaglandt's]  farm  and  partly  in  Vandewater's.  The  enemy's 
reenforcements  doubtless  came  up  by  the  Bloomingdale  road  and  lane 
which  there  ran  through  Hoaglandt's  grounds.  This  reference  assists 
us  in  locating  the  field. 


BRAVERY  OF  THE  TROOPS 


85 


Greene's  two  favorite  Rhode  Island  regiments,  under 
Colonels  Varnum  and  Hitchcock,  and  their  "  exceed- 
ingly spirited"  conduct  greatly  pleased  the  general. 
Maryland  captains  speak  of  the  cheerfulness  and 
alacrity  with  which  their  companies  went  into  action. 
Leitch's  Virginians,  we  are  told,  did  themselves  the 
greatest  honor.  Knowlton's  Rangers,  now  fighting 
over  the  ground  for  the  second  time  this  morning, 
no  doubt  fought  the  harder  to  avenge  their  leader's 
fall.  Local  pride  prompted  Tilghman  to  write  that 
the  Southern  men  bore  off  "  the  palm " ;  while 
Gooch,  the  Massachusetts  captain,  thought  the  New 
Englanders  gained  "the  first  Lawrells."  Could  these 
officers  have  surveyed  the  field  together,  they  would 
have  had  none  but  the  warmest  praise  for  all. 
Generals  and  staff-officers  were  equally  conspicuous. 
Putnam,  Clinton,  Reed,  and  Greene  distinguished 
themselves  by  their  personal  exertions  and  bravery, 
and  contributed  much  to  the  victory.  In  his  enthu- 
siasm over  the  result,  the  latter  wrote  that,  under 
discipline  and  good  leadership,  the  American  soldier 
could  "bid  defiance  to  the  whole  world.*' 

For  nearly  two  hours  the  "  hot  contest "  was  kept 
up  on  the  hilltop  and  around  the  buckwheat  field, 
when  the  enemy  again  retreated.  A  Hessian  writer 
represents  that  the  Yagers  and  Highlanders  had 
"fired  their  last  shot."  The  Americans  followed 
in  close  pursuit,  and  the  day  was  won.  As  Clinton 
reports,  "  Our  people  at  length  worsted  them  a  third 
time,  caused  them  to  fall  back  into  an  orchard, 


86 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


from  thence  across  a  hollow  and  up  another  hill 
not  far  distant  from  their  own  lines."  This  would 
take  them  to  the  vicinity  of  Jones'  house,  where 
Knowlton  first  found  them  in  the  early  morning. 
The  orchard  through  which  they  passed,  and  where, 
according  to  one  account,  they  vainly  attempted  to 
rally,  stood  just  west  of  the  Boulevard  and  north 
of  One  Hundred  and  Eleventh  Street.^  Near  Jones' 
the  pursuit  ended.  The  British  "Reserve,"  with 
Cornwallis  doubtless  at  its  head,  was  coming  up  and 
Linsingen's  Hessian  Grenadiers  had  just  appeared. 
Tilghman,  who  had  been  sent  down  to  recall  our 
men,  writes  that  they  "gave  a  Hurra!  and  left 
the  field  in  good  order";  while  Reed  reports  that 
they  were  recalled  with  difficulty,  so  new  to  them 
was  the  experience  of  putting  the  British  soldier 
to  flight.  Washington  sums  up  the  day's  work 
succinctly :  "  Our  troops  charged  the  enemy  with 
great  intrepidity,  and  drove  them  from  the  wood 
into  the  plain,  and  were  pushing  them  from  thence, 
having  silenced  their  fire  in  a  great  measure,  when 
I  judged  it  prudent  to  order  a  retreat,  fearing  the 
enemy,  as  I  have  since  found  was  really  the  case, 
were  sending  a  large  body  to  support  their  party." 
Late  in  the  afternoon,  the  troops  returned  to  camp, 
rejoicing  in  a  success  they  had  not  anticipated,  and 
conscious  of  having  won  it  at  the  moment  it  was 
most  needed,  and  in  a  way  that  would  give  it  the 

1  See  "  Plan  "  and  reference  to  the  orchard  in  description  of  the 
field,  p.  71. 


THE  DAY'S  CASUALTIES 


87 


most  effect.  It  was  for  them  the  welcome  victory 
of  Harlem  Heights.^ 

The  casualties  of  the  day  were  as  large,  proportion- 
ately, as  the  combatants  suffered  in  most  of  the 
battles  of  the  Revolution.  In  the  number  of  killed 
the  Americans  lost  more,  and  in  the  number  of 
wounded,  less  than  the  enemy.  Kemble  reports  a 
total  British  loss  of  one  hundred  and  seventy-one,  or, 
in  detail,  one  sergeant  and  thirteen  privates  killed, 
and  two  majors,  two  captains,  seven  subalterns,  five 
sergeants,  three  drummers,  and  one  hundred  and 
thirty-eight  privates  wounded.  Two  or  more  of  the 
wounded  officers  soon  died.  Of  the  Hessian  Yagers 
one  lieutenant  and  seven  men  were  wounded.  No 
detailed  statement  of  the  American  loss  can  be 
found,  but  from  some  fragmentary  returns  (No.  40) 
and  letters  of  officers,  it  may  be  closely  estimated. 
Their  killed  numbered  about  thirty,  and  the  wounded 
and  missing  not  over  one  hundred.  Among  the 
officers,  besides  Knowlton  and  Leitch,  Captain  Gleason, 
of  Nixon's  Massachusetts,  and  Lieutenant  Noel  Allen, 
of  Varnum's  Rhode  Island  Regiment,  were  both 

^  To  his  army,  Washington  issued  the  following  congratulatory 
order  on  the  17th  : 

"  The  General  most  heartily  thanks  the  troops  commanded  yester- 
day by  Major  Leitch,  who  first  advanced  on  the  enemy,  and  the  others 
who  so  resolutely  supported  them  —  the  behaviour  yesterday  is  such 
a  contrast  to  that  of  some  troops  the  day  before,  as  must  show  what 
may  be  done  where  officers  and  soldiers  will  exert  themselves.  Once 
more,  therefore,  the  General  calls  upon  officers  and  men  to  act  up  to 
the  noble  cause  in  which  they  are  engaged  and  support  the  honour 
and  liberties  of  their  country."    No.  22  in  the  "  Authorities." 


88 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


killed.  Greene's  troops  on  the  right  suffered  more 
than  the  others  —  one  of  the  commanding  officers 
placing  the  casualties  among  them  at  seventy-five. 
By  way  of  comparison  it  may  be  stated  that  the 
American  force  at  Harlem  Heights  was  but  slightly 
inferior  to  that  engaged  at  Bennington,  and  larger 
than  the  force  at  Stony  Point,  King's  Moimtain,  or 
Cowpens,  while  its  losses  were  greater  than  in  any 
of  these  actions.^ 

That  the  British  would  claim  "  Harlem  Heights  " 
as  a  victory  for  themselves  was  to  be  expected.  The 
final  withdrawal  of  our  troops  from  the  field  after 
the  pursuit,  they  construed  into  a  retreat.  Howe  re- 
ported that  "  the  light  infantry  and  42d  regiment, 

^American  Casualties  at  Harlem  Heights. — Killed 
in  Nixon's  brigade :  Yarnum's  Rhode  Island,  3 ;  Hitchcock's 
Rhode  Island,  o;  Bailey's  Massachusetts,  2;  Nixon's  Massa- 
chusetts, 3 ;  Little's  Massachusetts,  none.  In  other  commands : 
Sargent's  Massachusetts,  1 ;  Douglas'  Connecticut,  2 ;  Weedon's 
Virginia,  including  Leitch's  companies,  3;  the  Rangers,  includ- 
ing loss  in  first  skirmish,  probably  12  or  more.  The  Maryland 
companies  seem  to  have  had  very  few,  if  any,  killed  (No.  18  in 
"  Authorities  ").  As  to  the  wounded.  Lieutenant  Hodgkins,  of 
Little's  Massachusetts,  reports  20,  with  none  killed  in  his  regi- 
ment ;  Weedon's,  12 ;  Marylanders,  Captain  Low  and  12  pri- 
vates ;  wounded  and  missing,  as  reported  in  a  few  regiments,  15. 
Estimating  the  wounded  not  reported  in  several  regiments  of 
Nixon's  and  Sargent's  brigades  at  40  or  50,  and  the  total 
reaches  100.  —  Speaking  of  the  enemy's  losses,  Washington 
wrote  to  Governor  Cooke,  of  Rhode  Island,  September  ITtli: 
^'From  the  appearance  of  blood  in  every  place  where  they 
made  their  stand  and  on  the  fences  as  they  passed,  we  have 
reason  to  believe  that  they  had  a  good  many  killed  and 
wounded,  though  they  did  not  leave  many  on  the  ground." 


BRITISH  CLAIMS  AND  COMMENTS 


89 


with  the  assistance  of  the  chasseurs  [Yagers]  and 
field-pieces,  repulsed  the  enemy  with  considerable 
loss,  and  obliged  them  to  retire  within  their  works." 
He  failed  to  mention  that  his  own  troops  had  first 
been  driven  a  mile  to  their  own  lines.  In  his  orders 
of  the  next  day  he  entertains  the  highest  opinion  of 
the  corps  which  beat  back  "  a  very  superior  body  of 
the  rebels,"  but  he  has  cold  praise  for  the  Light 
Companies  for  pursuing  Knowlton  in  the  morning 
"  without  proper  discretion "  or  support.  Donop, 
commanding  the  Hessian  Light  Troops  in  the  army, 
modestly  reported :  "  But  for  my  Yagers,  two  regi- 
ments of  Highlanders  and  the  British  Infantry  would 
have  all,  perhaps,  been  captured."  This  important 
service  seems  not  to  have  been  appreciated  by  the 
British  commander-in-chief,  as  he  made  no  allusion 
to  the  Yagers  in  his  report  of  the  17th.  They  came 
in  for  supplementary  thanks  a  day  or  two  later. 
The  opinion  of  the  best-informed  among  the  enemy, 
in  regard  to  the  action,  was  probably  reflected  by 
Sh  Henry  Clinton  in  his  criticism  of  Stedman's  pub- 
lished account.  The  ungovernable  impetuosity  of 
the  light  troops,"  he  wrote  upon  the  margin  of  the 
page,  "  drew  us  into  this  scrape."  ^  Clinton  was  on 
the  ground,  his  own  command  was  engaged,  and  as 
a  trained  and  observant  soldier  he  well  understood 
that  it  could  not  be  credited  with  a  victory. 

^  Jay  Pamphlet,  pp.  32,  81.  This  comment  appears  in  Clinton's 
copy  of  the  history  of  the  war  by  the  British  Commissary  Stedman, 
which  is  now  in  possession  of  the  James  Carter  Brown  Library, 
Providence,  Rhode  Island. 


90 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


To  appreciate  the  significance  and  moral  effect  of 
this  action,  one  has  but  to  glance  through  the  let- 
ters of  the  day  written  from  the  American  camp.  A 
most  timely  and  well-delivered  return  stroke,  it  re- 
vived the  energies  of  our  army,  and  had  its  influence 
in  compelling  another  delay  in  the  enemy's  move- 
ments. Clinton,  not  given  to  a  show  of  enthusiasm, 
wrote  that  it  had  animated  our  soldiers,  filled  them 
with  new  spirit,  erased  every  bad  impression  the 
retreat  from  Long  Island  had  left  on  their  minds, 
and  that  they  thought  of  "  nothing  now  but  con- 
quest." "A  most  signal  victory  to  us,  and  the 
defeat  a  considerable  mortification  to  them,"  wrote 
Major  Lewis  Morris.  If  we  "  stick  to  these  mighty 
men  they  will  run  as  fast  as  other  people,"  is  Knox's 
comment.  "  It  seems  to  have  greatly  inspirited  the 
whole  of  our  troops,"  and  must  result  in  many 
salutary  consequences,"  was  the  assuring  message 
from  the  commander-in-chief  to  the  president  of 
Congress.  Not  the  least  of  these  consequences  was 
the  revival  of  interest  in  the  plan  of  reorganizing 
the  army  on  a  permanent  basis  for  future  campaigns. 
Committees  from  Congress  and  State  assemblies 
visited  this  encampment,  consulted  with  the  generals, 
and  prepared  lists  of  meritorious  officers  who  de- 
served appointment  in  the  proposed  regiments  of  the 
Continental  line.  The  requirements  of  the  military 
situation  were  newly  impressed  upon  all.  Nor  was 
it  a  secondary  consequence  that  the  victory  came  to 
cheer  the  heart  and  confirm  the  faith  of  Washington 


MORAL  EFFECT  OF  THE  ACTION 


91 


himself  at  a  time  when  the  cares  and  anxieties  of 
his  position  bore  heavily  upon  him.  With  inex- 
perienced officers  in  every  department,  he  had  shoul- 
dered the  burdens  of  the  campaign  by  personally 
attending  even  to  its  minutest  details.  Keenly  mor- 
tified at  the  recent  defeats  and  retreats,  he  greatly 
stood  in  need  of  this  exhibition  of  self-reliance  and 
reserve  power  on  the  part  of  his  troops ;  and  to  his 
army  Washington,  as  a  leader,  was  all  in  all.  We 
can  do  no  less  than  accept  his  own  expressive  esti- 
mate of  the  value  of  this  victory,  for  it  seems  to 
contain  a  meaning  which  the  sense  of  profound  relief 
alone  can  convey.  Some  pronounced  success  that 
would  be  immediately  "inspiriting"  and  "salutary" 
was  what  the  crisis  called  upon  the  American  soldier 
to  win ;  and  it  was  handsomely  won  at  Harlem 
Heights. 


V 


SUBSEQUENT  EVENTS  —  THE  RANGERS  AND  FORT 
WASHINGTON  —  TRENTON  AND  PRINCETON 

\     FEW  facts  of  local  interest  may  be  added  to 


-^--^  the  narrative,  and  some  continuity  observed 
in  rounding  out  Harlem  Heights  with  a  reference 
to  Trenton  and  Princeton. 

Fearing  a  counter-stroke  from  the  enemy  after 
the  action,  Washington  detailed  large  outpost  de- 
tachments every  night,  on  the  slopes  overlooking 
the  Hollow  Way.  On  the  night  of  the  16th,  espe- 
cially, his  precautions  were  strict  and  minute.  His 
orders  directed  General  Putnam  to  command  on  the 
right  flank  along  the  Hollow  Way,  while  General 
Spencer  was  to  guard  the  ridge  as  far  up  as  head- 
quarters. "Should  the  enemy  attempt  to  force  the 
pass  to-night.  General  Putnam  is  to  apply  to  General 
Spencer  for  a  reenforcement."  Also,  "  General  Nix- 
on's and  Colonel  Sargent's  divisions.  Colonel  Wee- 
don's  and  Major  Price's  regiments,  are  to  retire  to 
their  quarters  and  refresh  themselves;  but  to  hold 
themselves  in  readiness  to  turn  out  at  a  minute's 
warning."  This  direction  is  of  interest  as  definitely 
indicating  what  troops  had  borne  the  brunt  of  the 
day's  fighting.  They  were  to  retire  and  refresh 
themselves.    Nixon's  and  Weedon's  men,  in  fact, 

92 


QUARTERS  OF  AMERICAN  OFFICERS  93 

had  had  no  rest  the  night  before  the  engagement. 
The  picket  guards  were  to  consist  of  eight  hundred 
rank  and  file,  officered  with  two  colonels,  two 
lieutenant-colonels,  two  majors  and  captains,  and 
subalterns  in  proportion.  Soon  after  the  battle 
General  Greene  was  placed  in  command  of  Fort 
Lee,  opposite  Fort  Washington,  and  Nixon's  brigade 
was  transferred  to  the  same  point. 

The  main  force,  meantime,  strengthened  the  line 
of  works  across  the  island,  referred  to  on  page  49, 
which  appears  to  have  been  our  principal  reliance 
for  about  two  weeks.  By  the  orders  of  September 
26th,  Putnam  was  to  command  the  troops  in  front 
of  the  line,  and  Spencer  those  in  the  rear.  The 
grand  parade"  ground  of  the  army  was  established 
in  the  fields  near  Spencer's  headquarters  at  "  Mr. 
Kortright's"  (to  be  more  particularly  mentioned  in 
the  next  chapter),  or  on  the  general  line  of  One 
Hundred  and  Forty-eighth  Street,  a  little  east  of 
Amsterdam  Avenue.  Court-martials  were  held  at 
^'  the  White  House  near  Head  Quarters,"  which  was 
probably  the  house  marked  on  old  surveys  as  standing 
on  the  present  St.  Nicholas  Avenue  at  One  Hundred 
and  Sixtieth  Street.  Upon  the  approach  of  the  enemy, 
alarm  guns  were  to  be  fired  from  "  the  redoubts  on 
the  road  by  Colonel  Moylan's."  This  officer  was  then 
quartermaster-general  of  the  army,  and  his  quarters 
were  at  a  house  on  the  late  Bradhurst  estate  near 
the  top  of  old  "  Breakneck  Hill,"  St.  Nicholas  Avenue 
near  One  Hundred  and  Forty-seventh  Street.  The 


94 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


redoubts  stood  on  the  crest  of  the  hill  forming  the 
left  of  our  main  line,  and  there  it  is  believed  that 
young  Captain  Alexander  Hamilton  was  stationed 
with  his  company  of  artillery.  His  well-known 
estate  on  Washington  Heights,  which  he  purchased 
after  the  war,  lay  just  below  this  point.  The  most 
conspicuous  mansion  on  the  heights,  now  the  only 
remaining  specimen  of  Colonial  architecture  in  New 
York,  was  the  property  of  Colonel  Roger  Morris,  a 
retired  officer  of  the  British  army.^  This,  as  we 
well  know^  was  Washington's  headquarters  from  the 
evening  of  September  15th  until  October  20th,  when 
the  army  retired  to  White  Plains.  In  his  letter  of 
September  24th  (No.  53),  Captain  Hutcheson  makes 
some  interesting  references  to  the  general's  city 
quarters;  and  in  the  same  letter  he  gives  a  brief 
description  of  the  great  fire  which  swept  New  York 
on  the  night  of  September  21st. 

The  enemy  made  no  demonstrations  after  the 
16th  for  nearly  four  weeks,  the  interval  being 
occupied  in  completing  the  Jones-McGowan  line  of 
forts  and  entrenchments.  They  keep  "very  shy," 
writes  General  McDougall.  Indeed,  they  do  not 
appear  to  have  made  any  effort  to  confine  us  closely 
to  our  own  lines,  as  the  Rangers  and  other  parties 
foraged  and  scouted  over  Harlem  Plains  without 
opposition.  Colonel  Tilghman,  Washington's  con- 
fidential aid,  describes  one   of   these  expeditions. 

1  See  article  on  the  "  Roger  Morris  House  "  in  the  "  Magazine  of 
American  History"  for  February,  188L 


OPERATIONS  RESUMED 


95 


"  Yesterday  morning,"  he  writes,  October  3d,  "  we 
had  occasion  to  bring  off  a  parcel  of  hay  and  grain 
from  Harlem ;  to  effect  this  with  safety  a  covering 
party  of  one  thousand  men  were  ordered  under  arms. 
As  the  enemy  could  plainly  discover  our  men  march- 
ing towards  their  right  flank  [that  is,  down  Harlem 
Lane  to  McGowan's  Pass]  I  believe  they  imagined 
an  attack  was  intended  upon  their  lines.  They 
immediately  beat  to  arms,  struck  their  tents,  and 
manned  their  lines.  Upon  perceiving  our  real  inten- 
tions they  let  us  alone,  set  down  again,  and  let  us 
bring  off  the  grain."  On  the  7th,  he  adds :  "  The 
two  armies  are  as  quiet  as  if  they  were  a  thousand 
miles  apart."  ^  A  week  later  Howe  resumed  opera- 
tions. Convinced  that  Washington  could  not  be 
assailed  in  his  new  position  without  great  loss  of 
life,  he  again  resorted  to  the  flanking  process,  and 
on  October  12th,  leaving  Percy  with  two  brigades 
to  defend  New  York,  he  broke  camp  and  began 
his  movement  into  Westchester  County.  Proceeding 
through  Hell  Gate  to  Throg's  Neck,  on  Long  Island 
Sound,  he  threatened  the  American  left  and  rear. 

Compelled  by  Howe's  operations  to  fall  back  from 
Harlem  Heights,  Washington,  by  the  26th,  had 
occupied  and  fortified  White  Plains,  and  there 
awaited  the  enemy's  attack.  The  battle  took  place 
on  the  28th,  without  discredit  to  the  American  arms. 
The  losses  were  about  equal ;   but  as  our  forces 

^  "Memoir  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Tench  Tilghman,"  pp.  142,  143. 
Compare  with  letter,  No.  25,  in  Authorities." 


96 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


witlidrew  from  the  field,  the  British  claimed  the 
victory. 

Trusting  too  confidently  in  the  natural  strength 
of  Fort  Washington  above  the  Harlem  Heights 
encampment,  a  council  of  war  voted  to  retain  it 
after  the  Island  had  been  abandoned.  With  Fort 
Lee  on  the  Jersey  side,  it  was  expected  to  close  the 
navigation  of  the  Hudson  to  the  English  ships,  al- 
though three  of  them  had  previously  sailed  through 
the  barriers.  Colonel  Robert  Magaw,  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, was  placed  in  command.  On  the  16th  of 
November,  however,  the  enemy,  returning  from 
White  Plains,  attacked  the  fort  from  four  directions, 
and  the  garrison  of  over  twenty-five  hundred  men 
surrendered.  This  was  the  heaviest  loss,  though 
not  the  severest  blow,  of  the  campaign,  the  responsi- 
bility for  which  was  shared  alike  by  General  Greene 
and  the  commander-in-chief. 

Among  the  detachments  captured  was  the  corps 
of  Rangers  which  had  made  a  name  for  itself  in 
the  action  of  Harlem  Heights.  Washington  in- 
tended to  have  it  follow  the  main  army,  but  Colonel 
Magaw  petitioned  that  it  might  remain  with  him. 
Representing  the  Rangers  as  being  the  only  secur- 
ity to  his  lines  beyond  the  fort,  and  that  he  must 
contract  his  cordon  of  guards  if  they  were  taken 
from  him,  the  colonel  was  permitted  to  keep  them. 
On  the  day  of  the  attack  they  were  stationed  on 
familiar  ground  in  the  Hollow  Way  and  around  the 
point  of  Rocks,  and  when  Percy's  troops,  forming 


FATALITY  OF  THE  RANGERS 


97 


one  of  the  enemy's  columns,  advanced  from  Jones' 
and  McGowan's,  they  were  forced  back  to  the  fort, 
which  surrendered  as  they  reached  it.  A  singular 
fatality  seemed  to  accompany  this  brave  little  body. 
Its  first  leader,  Knowlton,  was  mortally  wounded  at 
Harlem  Heights.  Captain  Brown,  who  succeeded 
him  for  a  short  time,  was  killed  at  the  defence  of 
Mud  Island,  near  Philadelphia,  in  1777.  The  third 
leader.  Major  Colburn,  of  New  Hampshire,  who  was 
wounded  in  a  skirmish  in  which  the  Rangers  en- 
gaged late  in  October,  fell  fighting  at  the  head  of 
his  regiment  in  the  second  Battle  of  Saratoga.  The 
fourth  was  Captain  Lemuel  Holmes,  who  was  to 
remain  a  prisoner  in  the  enemy's  hands  for  two 
years.  Captain  Nathan  Hale,  who  by  virtue  of  his 
rank  would  have  had  the  command  after  Colburn, 
had  been  executed  as  a  spy.  That  many  of  the  men 
died  in  the  prisons  in  New  York  or  returned  home  with 
shattered  constitutions  can  be  inferred  from  the  frag- 
mentary journal  of  Lieutenant  Babcock,^  who  himself 
succumbed  to  disease  contracted  while  caring  for  his 
unfortunate  comrades.  The  Rangers  began  and  ended 
their  service  on  Harlem  Heights. 

From  Fort  Washington  to  Trenton  and  Princeton, 
or  the  close  of  the  campaign,  was  another  interval 
of  six  or  eight  weeks.  As  these  weeks  elapsed 
Washington's  army  dwindled  to  the  merest  shadow 
of  a  force.    But  knowing  what  resolute  men  could 

1  No.  42,  among  the  "Authorities,"  now  printed  for  the  first  time. 
It  throws  some  light  on  prison  experience  dui'ing  the  Revolution. 

H 


98  BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 

do  at  a  favorable  moment,  he  twice  turned  upon  the 
enemy  and  gladdened  the  country  with  victories 
brilliantly  and  most  opportunely  won.  Princeton, 
the  closing  success,  may  be  associated  in  a  way  with 
Harlem  Heights.  In  the  former  we  find  the  Ameri- 
can soldiers  exhibiting  a  discipline  and  effectiveness  to 
be  gained  and  developed  only  through  the  experience 
of  such  afeirs  as  the  latter.  It  was  Nixon's  brigade, 
Greene's  old  command,  —  the  same  that  fought  so 
well  on  Morningside  Heights,  —  which,  at  a  critical 
point  in  the  action,  advanced  upon  the  enemy  at 
Princeton,  and  helped  to  turn  the  day  decisively  in 
our  favor.  The  movements  were  similar, — in  each 
case  a  fearless  attack  upon  the  regulars  in  the  open 
field. 

The  men  of  the  time,  as  we  must  believe  not  only 
from  their  own  animated  descriptions  but  from  the 
nature  of  the  action  itself,  would  have  accorded  the 
Battle  of  Harlem  Heights  a  prominent  place  among 
the  events  of  1776.  Far  from  being  an  isolated  inci- 
dent of  the  campaign,  it  establishes  a  closer  relation 
of  events.  Unexpectedly  rousing  a  despondent  army, 
and  reassuring  it  of  its  vitality  and  possibilities,  it 
could  have  left  none  other  than  a  permanent  impres- 
sion. The  typical  soldier  of  that  field  fought  on. 
He  was  the  patriot  of  the  Revolution.  Locally  we 
lose  sight  of  him  only  on  Evacuation  Day,  Novem- 
ber 25,  1783,  when  New  York  was  in  his  hands 
once  more. 


PREVIOUS  VERSIONS  OF  THE  BATTLE 


ADDITIONAL  REFERENCES  TO  THE 
LOCATION  OF  THE  FIELD 


PREVIOUS  VERSIONS  OF  THE  BATTLE  — AD- 
DITIONAL REFERENCES  TO  THE  SITE 


WHILE  our  earlier  historical  writers  and  biographers, 
such  as  Gordon  and  Marshall,  give  the  main  facts 
of  the  Battle  of  Harlem  Heights,  Mr.  Benson  J.  Lossing 
was  among  the  first  to  attempt  the  identification  of  the  site. 
When  he  wrote  his  "  Field-Book  of  the  Revolution,"  few 
documents  referring  to  the  topography  were  available, 
and  he  made  the  mistake  of  going  too  far  south  and  east. 
He  placed  the  action  on  the  flats  or  "  Plains  "  of  Harlem, 
around  McGowan's  Pass,  near  the  northeastern  end  of 
Central  Park;  and  in  consequence  it  was  long  called 
the  "  Battle  of  Harlem  Plains."  Mr.  Henry  W.  Dawson, 
with  General  George  Clinton's  valuable  letters  to  guide 
him,  identified  the  true  site  so  far  as  to  shift  it  from  the 
plains  to  the  high  ground  of  the  present  Morningside 
Heights;  but  having  no  reference  to  Jones'  or  Hoag- 
landt's  houses,  and  being  misled  as  to  the  location  of 
Martje  David's  Fly,  he  put  the  fighting  to  the  east  of  the 
Boulevard.  Bancroft  mentions  it  indefinitely,  as  having 
been  fought  south  of  the  Manhattan ville  valley.  The 
Hon.  John  Jay,  with  more  documents  at  command,  sub- 
stantially agreed  with  Dawson,  but  retained  the  name 
of  Harlem  Plains,"  in  view  of  the  fact  that  the  action 
began  on  the  low  ground,  although  continued  on  the 
heights. 

In  February,  1878,  the  late  Erastus  C.  Benedict,  Esq., 
of  New  York  City,  formerly  Chancellor  of  the  Regents  of 
the  State  University,  read  a  paper  on  the  battle  before 

101 


102 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


the  New  York  Historical  Society,  which  was  printed  in 
pamphlet  form  soon  after  his  death  in  1881.  His  version 
of  the  action  varied  from  all  preceding  ones  in  locating 
the  scene  of  the  principal  fighting  a  mile  north  of  the 
Manhattanville  "  Hollow  Way,"  instead  of  south  of  it. 
The  late  Mrs.  Martha  J.  Lamb,  author  of  the  well-known 
"  History  of  New  York  City,"  adopted  Mr.  Benedict's 
version,  and  through  her  work  it  has  been  accepted  by 
many  readers.  This  new  account  was  not  based  upon  the 
discovery  of  new  material,  but  on  a  new  interpretation  of 
the  old.  Neither  Mr.  Benedict  nor  Mrs.  Lamb  contributed 
any  contemporary  documents  to  the  authorities  bearing  on 
the  action.  The  work  of  research  and  compilation  had 
been  done  by  other  writers.  Mr.  John  Austin  Stevens, 
founder  of  the  "  Magazine  of  American  History,"  who, 
in  the  May  number  for  1880,  critically  reviewed  Mrs. 
Lamb's  account,  and  Mr.  William  Kelby,  librarian  of  the 
Historical  Society,  who  unearthed  and  compared  much 
of  the  material  utilized  by  the  later  writers  in  the  case, 
place  the  entire  fighting  in  and  south  of  the  "Hol- 
low Way."  General  T.  F.  Rodenbough,  in  his  chapter 
on  this  campaign,  in  Wilson's  "  Memorial  History  of 
New  York  City,"  does  the  same;  as  also  the  present 
writer,  in  Vol.  IH.  of  the  Long  Island  Historical  Society 
"  Memoirs." 

While  these  earlier  writers  may  not  agree  with  each 
other  in  certain  points  of  detail,  they  are,  with  the  ex- 
ceptions mentioned,  of  one  opinion  respecting  the  site  of 
the  battle-field.  Three  or  four  of  them,  before  preparing 
their  accounts,  not  only  made  independent  researches 
and  carefully  examined  the  topography  of  tlie  field  before 
modern  changes  set  in,  but  discussed  the  details  of  the 
engagement  among  themselves  with  a  view  to  reaching 
correct  conclusions.    In  no  case  did  it  occur  that  the 


PREVIOUS  VERSIONS 


103 


action  might  have  been  fought  north  of  Manhattanville, 
as  the  situation  itself  and  the  documentary  evidence  made 
it  impossible  to  entertain  any  such  theory. 

Mr.  Benedict  seems  to  have  been  misled  at  the  outset 
by  attaching  too  strict  a  limitation  to  the  name  of  the 
battle.  He  held  substantially  that  the  name  "  Battle  of 
Harlem  Heights  "  itself  indicated  where  it  took  place ; 
that  it  must  have  been  fought  on  ground  known  by  that 
name,  and  that  the  only  ground  so  known  was  the  range 
of  heights  north  of  Manhattanville  where  the  American 
army  was  encamped.  All  the  facts  in  the  case  are  then 
made  to  fit  this  theory.  Mr.  Benedict's  words,  page  11  of 
his  pamphlet,  are :  "  If  the  battle  was  at  the  time  known 
as  the  Battle  of  Harlem  Heights,  it  would  require  very 
strong  evidence  to  show  that  it  was  fought  in  either  of 
these  four  places  [indicated  by  other  writers],  no  one  of 
which  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Harlem  Heights  nor  could 
with  any  propriety  be  called  Harlem  Heights."  But  as 
to  this,  many  historical  illustrations  will  occur  to  show 
that  the  name  of  a  battle  does  not  necessarily  indicate  its 
locality  with  topographical  precision.  A  battle  of  Harlem, 
or  any  other  heights,  may  or  may  not  be  fought  on  the 
heights.  It  may  be  fought  at  the  base  and  around  the 
heights,  in  defence  of  the  heights.  The  troops  may 
march  out  from  their  camps  on  the  heights,  as  they  did  in 
this  case,  and  associate  the  battle  with  the  heights,  with- 
out firing  a  single  shot  on  or  from  the  heights.  The  pre- 
cise localit}^  of  the  fighting  can  only  be  determined  by  the 
evidence  in  the  case,  and  not  by  the  name.  It  has  been 
shown  in  the  main  narrative  that  this  battle  was  fought  in 
immediate  defence  of  the  heights,  although  not  on  them, 
and  hence  could  be  called  with  propriety  the  "Battle  of 
Harlem  Heights." 

Furthermore,  while  that  portion  of  the  high  ground  on 


104 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


which  the  American  troops  were  encamped  may  alone 
have  been  known  to  them  as  Harlem  Heights,  the  name 
was  applicable  to  the  entire  ridge  encircling  Harlem 
Plains.  It  was  so  applied  as  late  as  1814,  when,  upon  the 
threatened  attack  by  the  British,  many  citizens  of  New 
York  volunteered  to  work  on  the  defences  marked  out  by 
the  engineers.  The  forts  at  McGowan's  Pass,  the  block- 
houses in  Central  and  Morningside  parks.  Fort  Laight  on 
the  Boulevard,  and  the  entrenchments  enclosing  the  site 
of  Grant's  tomb  were  described  at  the  time  as  the  works 
at  Harlem  Heights.  This  designation  was  used  by  Gen- 
eral J.  G.  Swift,  chief  engineer,  United  States  Army,  in 
his  official  report  on  the  construction  of  the  lines,  all  of 
which  were  south  of  Manhattanville,  and  it  repeatedly 
appears  in  the  newspaper  references  of  the  day.  Subse- 
quently the  name  Bloomingdale  Heights  came  to  be 
applied  to  the  section  north  of  One  Hundred  and  Tenth 
Street,  which  has  been  supplanted  in  turn  by  that  of 
Morningside  Heights.  Local  associations  are  thus  pre- 
served in  remembering  the  battle  by  the  older  descrip- 
tion of  Harlem  Heights.  As  Sergeant  Burnham  of  the 
Rangers  accurately  states,  it  was  fought  "on  one  of  the 
Harlem  Heights."  ^ 

To  sustain  his  theory  and  fight  the  battle  north  of 
Manhattanville,  Mr.  Benedict  was  forced  to  put  an  inter- 
pretation on  the  contemporary  documents  which  cannot 

1  Locally,  among  the  Harlem  farmers,  different  parts  of  the  ridge 
would  be  known  by  the  names  of  the  owners  and  occupants.  The 
slope  and  blulfs  of  Morningside  Park  were  no  doubt  called  "  Yan- 
dewater's  Heights,"  the  name  Howe  uses  in  his  report.  McGowan's 
Pass  and  Heights  described  the  northern  part  of  Central  Park.  Per- 
sons wishing  to  view  the  Hudson  would  go  over  to  Hoaglandt's  Heights 
or  Hill,  now  Grant's  and  Claremont.  Point  of  Rocks  and  Morris 
Heights  al)ove  were  well  known.  But  generally  speaking,  it  was  all 
Harlem  Heights. 


PREVIOUS  VERSIONS 


105 


be  borne  out.  A  few  of  his  leading  points  may  be 
noticed. 

First,  it  is  assumed  in  his  account  that,  on  the  morning 
of  the  battle,  the  enemy  were  encamped  on  Morningside 
Heights,  and  that  no  fighting  could  have  occurred  within 
their  own  lines.  But  the  proofs  in  support  of  the  as- 
sumption fail  to  apply.  Thus  the  statement  of  Captain 
Graydon,  of  the  Pennsylvania  troops,  is  quoted  to  the 
effect  that  our  advanced  picket  at  the  Point  of  Rocks 
was  "  only  separated  from  that  of  the  enemy  by  a  valley 
a  few  hundred  yards  over  "  (namely,  the  Hollow  Way). 
But  an  important  fact  is  withheld  in  the  omission  of 
Graydon's  further  statement  that  it  was  "  now  November  " 
when  he  wrote.  This  officer  was  alluding  to  the  situation 
nearly  two  months  after  the  battle,  when  the  main  British 
and  American  armies  had  left  Manhattan  Island  and 
were  manoeuvring  in  Westchester  County.  We  made  no 
effort  to  hold  the  heights  as  far  down  as  Manhattanville 
except  with  a  slight  line  of  Rangers  and  others  who  were 
to  watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  By  that  time, 
November,  the  latter  had  advanced  their  pickets  to  the 
Hollow  Way.  The  situation  thus  had  materially  changed. 
The  statement  of  Captain  Harris  of  the  5th  British  Regi- 
ment, then  serving  with  the  Grenadiers,  that  they  took 
post  "opposite"  to  the  rebels  on  the  evening  of  Sep- 
tember 15th,  is  also  quoted ,  but  Harris  meant  no  more 
than  did  Captain  Evelyn,  of  the  1st  Light  Infantry,  when 
he  wrote  that  the  Americans  were  on  the  "opposite 
hills."  Both  these  officers  were  speaking  generally,  and 
had  no  reference  to  the  slopes  which  face  each  other 
across  Manhattanville.  Moreover,  Evelyn  states  that  he 
was  encamped  near  "  a  strong  pass  "  (McGowan's)  ;  and 
from  Howe's  orders  we  know  that  his  battalion  was  posted 
at  that  point.    "  Opposite  "  in  these  quotations  means  a 


106 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


mile  or  more  opposite.  Howe,  Kemble,  and  Hall,  we 
have  seen,  settle  the  question  of  the  site  of  the  British 
camp  on  the  16th.  On  the  west  side  it  was  below  One 
Hundred  and  Sixth  Street. 

Again,  unable  on  his  assumption  to  fight  the  enemy 
within  their  own  lines  on  Morningside  Heights,  Mr.  Bene- 
dict was  forced  to  place  the  action  within  the  American 
lines  north  of  the  Hollow  Way.  He  places  it  in  the  very 
centre  of  their  camp,  and  almost  within  gunshot  of  Wash- 
ington's headquarters.  His  account  maintains,  in  brief, 
that  Knowlton's  early  skirmish  probably  occurred  near 
One  Hundred  and  Twentieth  Street,  and  that  the  Rangers 
retreated  along  the  low  shore  of  the  Hudson,  with  the 
Light  Infantry  pursuing,  as  far  as  One  Hundred  and 
Fifty-fifth  Street,  where  Audubon  Park  now  lies.  There 
Knowlton  and  Leitch  attempted  their  flank  attack  One 
Hundred  and  Fifty-fifth  to  One  Hundred  and  Fifty-eighth 
streets  and  Eleventh  Avenue,"  says  Mr.  Benedict),  which 
developed  into  the  main  action  of  the  day  fought  from 
One  Hundred  and  Fifty-fifth  Street  down  to  Breakneck 
Hill,  at  One  Hundred  and  Forty-seventh  Street,  on  the 
east  side,  down  which  hill  the  enemy  finally  retreated 
to  their  camps.  In  other  words,  according  to  Mr.  Benedict 
and  Mrs.  Lamb,  the  evidence  is  overwhelming  that 
Harlem  Heights,  between  One  Hundred  and  Fifty-eighth 
Street  and  Manhattanville,  west  of  the  Kingsbridge  road, 
was  ablaze  with  the  fire  of  battle  from  11  a.m.  to  3  p.m. 
That  was  the  field  of  battle."  Both  these  writers  admit 
(p.  25,  Benedict  pamphlet)  that  Washington's  force  of 
nine  thousand  men  was  encamped  within  almost  precisely 
the  same  limits,  or,  to  repeat,  between  One  Hundred  and 
Sixtieth  Street  and  Manhattanville. 

It  will  be  observed  at  once  that,  under  this  new  ver- 
sion, "Harlem  Heights"  was  an  extraordinary  action. 


PREVIOUS  VERSIONS 


107 


reflecting  far  more  credit  upon  the  British  than  upon 
the  American  army.  The  version  represents  that  four 
hundred  light  infantrymen,  chasing  Knowlton's  Rangers, 
actually  penetrated  the  American  lines  for  more  than  a 
mile  without  being  observed  by  other  troops ;  that  they 
blew  their  defiant  bugle  notes  in  the  rear  of  our  main 
encampment;  that  Washington  found  it  necessary  to 
order  out  a  flanking  party  to  hem  them  in  when  there 
were  ten  American  brigades  already  below  them;  that 
the  British  reenforcements,  five  or  six  thousand  men, 
says  Mr.  Benedict,  coming  up  to  rescue  the  Light  Com- 
panies, also  penetrated  the  camp  and  fought  for  nearly 
two  hours  on  our  own  chosen  ground ;  and  that  they 
retreated  by  the  Kingsbridge  road  under  the  ridge  we 
occupied,  from  which  our  troops  could  have  inflicted  upon 
them  the  severest  loss.  In  a  word,  we  are  given  to  under- 
stand that  a  mere  detachment  of  the  British  army  pushed 
through  Washington's  lines,  fought,  at  times,  within  four 
short  blocks  of  his  headquarters,  made  the  circuit  of  his 
strong  position,  and  then  returned  to  Morningside  Heights, 
carrying  all  their  guns  and  wounded  with  them,  and 
losing  but  fourteen  men  killed!  A  proud  day  that,  for 
the  enemy !  Their  final  retreat  would  have  counted  as 
nothing  against  the  daring  and  brilliancy  of  the  achieve- 
ment, and  their  reports  and  descriptions  of  it  would  have 
been  something  besides  the  disguised  admissions  of  defeat 
we  find  them. 

Of  course  no  such  engagement  occurred.  No  fighting 
took  place  that  day  north  of  the  Manhattanville  depression. 
Neither  Mr.  Benedict  nor  Mrs.  Lamb  seems  to  have  been 
sufficiently  impressed  with  the  fact  that  our  main  force  — 
Spencer's  and  Putnam's  divisions  —  was  throwing  up  en- 
trenchments across  the  Island  at  One  Hundred  and  Forty- 
seventh  Street  during  the  action,  and  that  the  fighting 


108 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


must  have  been,  at  all  events,  below  that  point.  Mrs. 
Lamb  recognizes  the  existence  of  the  line  and  yet  puts 
part  of  the  action  above  it.^  Mr.  Benedict  places  the  line 
in  one  case  at  One  Hundred  and  Sixty-first  Street,  in  an- 
other (p.  26)  at  One  Hundred  and  Fifty-third,  while  in 
another  (p.  25)  he  accepts  Clinton's  statement  that  the 
lines  ran  across  halfway  between  headquarters  and  the 
Hollow  Way,  w^hich  would  be  at  One  Hundred  and  Forty- 
seventh  Street.  That  the  latter  is  the  correct  location 
can  be  abundantly  shown  from  other  references,  although 
Clinton's  statement  should  be  conclusive  (see  ante,  p.  50). 
Thus  Washington's  orders  for  September  26th  provide  as 
follows  for  manning  the  works  in  case  the  enemy  attacked : 
"  Gen.  Beal's  brigade  is  to  repair  to  the  lines  which  cross 
the  road  by  Colonel  Moylan's  lodging  and  extend  their 
right  flank  to  the  middle  redoubt  by  Mr.  Kortright's  house, 
occupjdng  the  same.  Generals  Wadsworth  and  Fellows 
are  to  take  the  remaining  part  of  these  lines,  with  the  re- 
doubt therein,  on  the  North  River.  These  three  brigades 
to  defend  these  lines  or  wait  there  for  orders.  .  .  .  General 
Putnam  is  to  command  in  front  of  the  lines  by  Mr.  Kort- 
right's ;  General  Spencer  in  the  rear  of  them."  Spencer's 
headquarters  were  at  Kortright's,  and  the  reference  to  that 
house  would  alone  establish  the  location  of  the  line.  The 
house  stood  east  of  Amsterdam  Avenue  on  about  the  line 
of  One  Hundred  and  Forty-seventh  Street,  ^nd  at  the 
time  was  the  property  of  Charles  Aitken  of  St.  Croix.  It 

1  Mrs.  Lamb  illustrated  her  account  with  a  plan  of  the  field,  but  its 
topography  is  erroneous  at  One  Hundred  and  Forty-seventh  Street, 
where  "  Silliman's  "  line  (the  main  line)  is  extended  considerably  to 
the  east  of  the  main  road.  The  road  ran  near  the  ridge  at  that  point 
and  entrenchments  could  not  be  thrown  up  east  of  it.  Nor  does  the 
line  extend  westward  to  the  Hudson,  as  it  should  be  extended.  The 
entire  plan  is  faulty.  "Silliman's"  line  is  properly  represented  as 
the  first  line  constructed,  aa,  in  the  present  work,  pp.  50-51. 


PREVIOUS  VERSIONS 


109 


had  previously  belonged  to  Colonel  John  Maunsell,  of  the 
British  army.  Just  now  it  was  temporarily  occupied  by 
Lawrence  Kortright,  who  had  retired  from  his  own  house 
at  Harlem  for  safety.^  Furthermore,  Captain  Gray  don, 
quoting  a  description  of  these  works  in  his  "  Memoirs," 
says  (p.  175)  :  "  About  a  mile  below  Morris's  house,  two 
lines,  nearly  parallel  to  each  other,  were  constructed  by 
General  Washington,  when  the  army  retired  to  the  upper 
part  of  the  island,  after  the  evacuation  of  New  York. 
These  lines  extended  from  the  vicinity  of  Haerlem  river, 
across  the  island,  to  the  North  river,  and  were  in  length, 
each  about  a  mile.  The  first  line,  towards  New  York,  in- 
tersected the  great  road  leading  to  Kingsbridge,  after  the 
height  is  ascended  from  Haerlem  plains."  This  intersec- 
tion of  "  the  first  line  "  was  at  the  top  of  old  Breakneck  Hill, 
directly  east  of  Mr.  Kortright's,  which  again  determines 
the  location  of  the  line.  Clinton  is  thus  confirmed  by 
Gray  don,  the  reference  to  Kortright's,  and  by  Sauthier's 
survey  mentioned  in  the  note  on  page  49.  To  repeat,  that 
line  where  our  main  force  entrenched  itself  during  the 
progress  of  the  action  was  the  One  Hundi'ed  and  Forty- 
seventh  Street  line.  This  fact  is  fatal  to  the  new  version. 
As  the  writers  in  question  extend  the  fighting  more  than 
ten  blocks  above  that  point,  they  present  us  with  the 
singular  spectacle  of  an  army  fortifying  itself  against  an 
enemy  supposed  to  be  in  its  front  when  that  enemy  was 
engaged  in  what  Mr.  Benedict  calls  "a  bloody  battle  "  im- 

1  This  fact  appears  in  a  letter  from  Mr.  Garret  Abeel  (MSS.  Xew  York 
Historical  Society),  in  which  he  says:  "After  the  firing  of  the  Eni- 
mies  Cannon  ceased  on  fryday  Evening  13  Sept :  I  ordered  my  man 
Sam  to  put  the  Horse  in  ye  Chair,  and  I  proceeded  that  Evening  as 
farr  as  the  Hill  above  Harlem  to  the  place  where  Mr.  Law'  Kortright 
had  retired  to,  Being  a  House  Belonging  to  Mr.  Eagans  [Aitken]  of 
St.  Croix,  where  I  was  kindly  received."  The  house  is  marked  on  the 
map,  pp.  50-51,  as  "  Mr.  Kortright's." 


110 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


mediately  in  its  rear.  Colonel  Silliman  (No.  13)  is  clear 
on  this  point.  Our  brigades,"  forming  a  line  across  the 
Island,  grounded  their  arms,  he  says,  and  then  taking  to 
spades  and  shovels  worked  till  nightfall  entrenching  them- 
selves. Toward  noon  they  heard  sharp  firing  about  half 
a  mile  below  them,  where  "  we  had  two  brigades  lying  as 
an  advanced  guard."  These  were  Greene's  brigades,  fre- 
quently mentioned  in  the  account  of  the  battle,  a7ite,  and 
the  sound  of  the  firing  heard  came  from  the  Hollow  Way 
near  the  Fly,  where  the  action  began.  Obviously  there 
was  no  fighting  in  the  vicinity  of  our  main  line.^ 

In  this  connection,  also,  it  may  be  noticed  that,  under 
the  new  version,  only  half  the  American  army  was  engaged 
in  the  action,  although  fought  on  its  own  camping-ground. 
Why  the  whole  of  it  was  not  thrown  upon  the  venturesome 
British  to  overwhelm  them,  does  not  appear.  How  came 
Washington  to  miss  his  advantage  ?  The  plain  answer  is 
that  no  such  advantage  presented  itself.  Mr.  Benedict 
and  Mrs.  Lamb  misconceived  the  true  character  of  this 
engagement  in  magnifying  it  into  one  of  the  leading 
battles  of  the  Revolution.  The  force  actually  in  the 
field,  as  already  shown,  was  not  more  than  eighteen  hun- 
dred men  on  either  side.  In  his  roster  of  the  American 
troops,  page  6  of  his  pamphlet,  Mr.  Benedict  estimates  the 
numbers  at  forty-nine  hundred,  but  the  list  contains  many 
errors.  One  command  is  included  five  times  under  differ- 
ent designations,  another  three  times,  the  Marylanders 

^  In  his  account  Mr.  Benedict  twice  places  the  main  line  at  One 
Hundred  and  Sixty-first  StVeet,  and  twice  below  it  at  One  Hundred 
and  Fifty-third  Street.  It  could  not  in  any  case  have  been  at  the 
former  street,  as  that  one  included  no  redoubts  (Silliman  says  there 
were  three  on  the  line),  and  was  never  completed.  As  late  as  October 
14th  Washington's  orders  refer  to  the  One  Hundred  and  Sixty-first 
Street  trenches  as  "  the  line  which  was  intended  to  be  run  across  from 
headquarters  inclusively." 


PREVIOUS  VERSIONS 


111 


twice,  and  Greene's  brigades,  the  bulk  of  the  force,  three 
times.  A  corrected  roster  would  reduce  the  figures  by 
more  than  three  thousand.  "  Harlem  Heights "  was 
fought  by  advanced  detachments  of  the  two  armies,  and 
the  field  lay  not  within  the  lines  of  one  or  the  other,  but 
between  their  respective  outposts. 

The  various  other  inaccuracies  and  mistaken  assump- 
tions of  the  new  version  hardly  call  for  more  than  a  pass- 
ing reference.  Thus,  it  is  claimed  that  the  cannon-balls 
and  other  battle  relics  unearthed  on  Washington  Heights 
at  different  points  above  One  Hundred  and  Thirty-first 
Street  are  "  not  without  force  as  evidence  of  the  place  of 
conflict."  But  what  conflict?  The  only  fighting  with 
which  that  ground  is  associated  in  our  revolutionary 
history  took  place  on  Nov.  16,  1776,  when  the  enemy 
captured  Fort  Washington.  Both  the  British  and  Ameri- 
can reports  of  that  affair  make  it  clear  that  Earl  Percy's 
column,  approaching  in  two  divisions  from  McGowan's 
and  Jones',  drove  back  our  pickets  from  the  Hollow  Way 
and  approached  our  lines  under  the  fire  of  their  field-pieces. 
On  the  side  of  the  enemy  it  was  largely  an  artillery  attack.^ 
This  will  account  for  the  cannon-balls.  As  further  evi- 
dence, it  is  gravely  asserted  that  "the  bones  of  a  horse, 
perhaps  General  Reed's  horse,  which  was  disabled  under 
him  in  battle,"  were  found  on  that  site  in  1879.  But  why 
not  take  it  to  be  the  steed  of  the  British  general  ?  We 
have  more  than  one  English  authority  confirming  "the 
accounts  of  Lord  Percy's  horse  having  been  shot  under 

^Greene  reports  (November  16th)  that  "the  enemy  made  their 
appearance  on  the  hill  where  the  Monday  action  was  (namely, 
Claremont  and  Harlem  Heights  battle-field),  and  began  a  severe 
cannonade  with  several  field-pieces.  Our  guards  soon  fled."  Gray- 
don  states  that  the  enemy  also  opened  fire  upon  the  heights  from 
batteries  on  the  east  side  of  the  Harlem.  One  or  more  six-pounders 
were  brought  into  play  by  the  Americans. 


112 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


him  at  the  siege  of  Fort  Washington."  At  Harlem 
Heights,  September  16th,  the  enemy  had  but  two  three- 
pound  guns  in  the  action,  and  the  Americans  not  more 
than  two,  if  any  at  alL  Three-pound  cannon-balls,  as 
already  stated,  have  been  picked  up  on  that  field.  In 
addition,  that  site  was  occupied  and  ploughed  over  for 
many  years  after  the  battle,  which  will  account  for  the 
early  disappearance  of  relics. 

As  to  traditions,  it  is  stated  that  Aaron  Burr  placed  the 
battle  of  September  16th  on  the  heights  above  the  Hollow 
Way.  But  Burr's  own  words  have  never  been  reported. 
If  he  made  that  statement,  his  memory  had  lapsed. 
Mr.  Benedict  prints  the  letter  of  a  Mr.  Humphrey  Jones, 
who  writes  :  "  My  father  at  one  time  lived  at  Manhattan- 
ville,  and  he  has  shown  me  the  battle-ground.  It  com- 
menced on  the  hill  near  the  Asylum,  and  the  Americans 
drove  the  British  up  the  road  and  down  the  hill,  often 
called  by  the  name  of  Breakneck  Hill."  This  is  quoted 
as  showing  that  the  action  occurred  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
latter  hill.  On  the  contrary,  this  writer  evidently  refers 
to  the  Breakneck  Hill  on  the  Bloomingdale  road  near 
Claremont.  Why  should  the  Americans  drive  the  enemy 
"  up  the  road  "  (north)  from  the  Asylum  ?  Jones  clearly 
associates  the  action  with  the  site  below  Manhattan ville. 
The  term  "  Breakneck "  is  known  to  have  been  applied 
locally  to  three  or  four  steep  descents  between  One  Hun- 
dred and  Fifteenth  Street  and  Fort  Washington. 

General  George  Clinton,  frequently  quoted  by  Mr.  Bene- 
dict as  supporting  his  views,  confutes  them  at  all  points. 
One  statement  is  not  quoted.  The  general  tells  us  that 
on  the  night  after  the  battle,  the  night  of  the  16th,  he 
was  stationed  with  his  brigade  on  the  ground  the  action 
first  began,"  or,  as  Washington's  orders  directed  him,  on 
the  heights  commanding  the  Hollow  Way."    On  the 


PREVIOUS  VERSIONS 


113 


next  day  the  general  sent  a  party  out  to  bury  our  dead, 
which  party  discovered  that  the  enemy  had  removed  their 
own  during  the  night.  But  if  the  battle-field  lay  a  mile 
above  the  Hollow  Way,  the  enemy  must  be  credited  with 
having  accomplished  the  unprecedented  feat  of  entering 
our  closely  guarded  camp  and  carrying  off  their  dead, 
twice  crossing  our  outpost  lines  and  main  entrenchments 
unobserved  I 

How  far  the  Stiles  sketch  of  the  battle-field  confirms 
Mr.  Benedict's  theory,  as  claimed  by  its  supporters,  will 
be  noticed  under  the  next  heading. 

The  publication  of  this  new  version  was  unfortunate. 
As  it  has  received  wide  acceptance  through  Mrs.  Lamb's 
otherwise  excellent  work,  criticism  and  refutation  are  called 
for,  in  the  interests  of  our  local  history.  Here  accuracy  and 
fulness  in  detail  are  demanded,  and  alone  lend  value  to 
the  narrative. 
I 


ADDITIONAL  REFERENCES  TO  THE  SITE  OF 
THE  BATTLE-FIELD 


IF  further  evidence  is  necessary  to  establish  the  location 
of  the  battle-field  on  the  westerly  side  of  Morningside 
Heights,  it  may  be  found  in  certain  references  and  mate- 
rial not  previously  utilized  in  this  connection.  What  is 
known,  for  example,  as  the  "  Stiles  sketch  "  of  the  action 
has  been  properly  accepted  as  an  important  guide,  but 
perhaps  its  most  significant  feature  has  been  overlooked. 
The  original  sketch  appears  in  the  well-known  diary  of 
President  Stiles,  at  Yale  University,  in  which  he  kept 
a  record  of  Revolutionary  events  for  his  own  reference. 
The  sketches,  of  which  there  are  many,  were  his  own 
drawings  lightly  outlined  to  illustrate  special  battles  or 
the  general  military  situation.  Some  of  them  are  valua- 
ble as  having  been  drawn  from  the  descriptions  given  in 
person  by  officers  from  the  field,  or  other  eye-witnesses. 
Respecting  the  sketch  of  the  Harlem  Heights  engage- 
ment, Dr.  Stiles  makes  the  following  entry,  under  date  of 
Oct.  18,  1776:  "When  I  was  at  Fairfield  I  saw  Sloss 
Hobart,  Esq.  a  sensible  Gent.  &  a  member  of  the  New 
York  Convention.  He  gave  me  the  following  draught 
of  the  Action  of  16  Sept.  which  began  near  the  14  m 
Stone  &  ended  at  the  8  m  Stone.  .  .  .  We  have  two 
General  Clintons  in  our  Army.  From  one  of  them  who 
was  in  the  action  [General  George  Clinton]  Mr.  Hobart 
received  the  account."  The  sketch,  which  the  writer  has 
frequently  examined,  is  wholly  from  Dr.  Stiles'  pen ;  it  was 
drawn  by  him,  as  we  must  infer,  under  Judge  Hobart's  eye. 

114 


SITE  OF  THE  BATTLE-FIELD  115 

It  will  be  observed  at  a  glance  that  the  drawing  (p.  117) 
gives  the  battle-field  a  decidedly  westerly  location.  All 
the  references,  lines,  and  landmarks  are  well  over  on  the 
bank  of  the  Hudson  River.  Thus,  the  reference  "A," 
which  marks  the  north  side  of  the  Hollow  Way,  where 
the  action  began,  is  on  the  river  side  ;  and  "  B  "  and  "  C," 
marking  the  fences,  are  still  nearer  the  bank ;  while  the 
fence  lines  extend  to  it.  The  square,  ''E,"  indicating 
the  buckwheat  field,  is  westerly;  and  "F,"  the  orchard,  is 
again  on  the  high  bank,  nearly  on  a  line  with  the  eighth 
milestone  on  Harlem  Lane,  which  is  almost  precisely  the 
position  given  it  in  the  deed  of  Hoaglandt's  farm  referred 
to  in  the  note  on  the  "Plan"  of  the  battle.  This  is  a 
striking  and  valuable  feature  of  the  sketch. 

Furthermore,  the  sketch  effectually  disposes  of  the  new 
version,  in  placing  the  entire  action  below  the  Hollow 
Way.  Dr.  Stiles  followed  Clinton's  description  —  the  de- 
scription given  in  his  letters  printed  in  the  "  Authorities," 
and  already  liberally  quoted  in  the  narrative.  When  Dr. 
Stiles  refers  to  "  a  Hollow  Way,"  it  is  Clinton's  Hollow 
Way  ;  unfamiliar  with  the  surroundings  himself,  he  would 
know  of  no  other.  Clinton  describes  but  one  such  locality, 
the  only  locality  of  the  kind  in  the  entire  region,  namely, 
"the  Hollow  Way  which  runs  across  from  Harlem  Flat 
to  the  North  River  at  Martje  Davit's  Fly."  This  was  the 
Manhattan ville  depression,  where  the  main  action  began. 
In.  the  sketch  the  movements  are  all  south  of  it.^ 

1  One  error  appears  in  the  Stiles  sketch  :  the  ninth  milestone  should 
be  placed  where  the  tenth  milestone  is  marked,  otherwise  the  references 
cannot  be  reconciled  with  the  topography.  Thus,  the  buckwheat 
field  where  the  main  action  occurred  is  located  directly  opposite  to 
the  ninth  milestone,  which  stood  on  the  Kingsbridge  road  near  One 
Hundred  and  Thirty-fourth  Street.  Clinton  and  others  state  that 
the  field  was  "  on  the  top  of  a  high  hill ";  but  there  is  no  hill  in  that 
vicinity  rising  from  a  hollow  way  north  of  it.    Taking  the  sketch 


116 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


Further  light  is  thrown  on  the  location  of  the  field 
in  certain  references  to  the  point  where  the  action  termi- 
nated. From  ^'  E,"  says  Dr.  Stiles,  the  enemy  fled,  and 
attempting  to  rally  in  an  orchard  at  "  F,"  were  so  closely 
pursued  that  they  stood  but  a  few  minutes,  when  the  rout 
became  general.  The  orchard  is  important.  It  brings 
the  action  down  to  the  line  of  One  Hundred  and  Eleventh 
Street,  between  the  Boulevard  and  Riverside  Drive.  This 
is  but  a  quarter  of  a  mile  above  the  Jones  house.  Just 

literally,  and  comparing  it  with  the  correct  topography  as  given  in 
the  "  Plan,"  pp.  70-71,  it  will  be  noticed  that  the  field  would  come 
on  the  line  of  the  Boulevard  between  One  Hundred  and  Thirty-second 
and  One  Hundred  and  Thirty-seventh  streets,  where  the  heights 
slope  down  to  Manhattanville  from  the  plateau  above.  The  field, 
indeed,  would  lie  partly  in  the  Hollow  Way.  Again,  if  the  distances 
are  accurately  indicated,  one  will  have  to  search  long  for  the  hollow 
way  marked  "  A "  by  Dr.  Stiles,  and  located  south  of  the  line  of  the 
tenth  milestone.  That  stone  stood  near  One  Hundred  and  Fifty-third 
Street.  The  hollow  way  would  lie  below,  or  at  about  One  Hundred 
and  Fiftieth  Street ;  but  nothing  answering  the  description  exists 
there.  The  only  deep  dip  in  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  on  those 
heights,  is  to  be  found  at  the  site  of  Audubon  Park,  six  or  seven 
blocks  above ;  but  that  was  in  no  sense  a  hollow  way,  and,  as  already 
shown,  could  have  had  no  relation  whatever  to  the  actual  battle-field. 
In  a  word,  the  key  to  the  topography  of  the  sketch  is  the  reference 
"  A,"  or  Clinton's  hollow  way  at  Manhattanville.  Dr.  Stiles  probably 
inserted  the  milestones  as  a  general  guide,  without  pretensions  to  accu- 
racy. Judge  Hobart  could  not  have  directed  him,  for  in  that  case 
Dr.  Stiles  would  not  have  inserted  the  memorandum  above  the  sketch, 
already  given,  that  the  action  began  near  the  fourteenth  milestone,  or 
five  miles  above  Manhattanville. 

In  the  matter  of  distances  and  topography,  Mr.  Benedict  was 
misled  in  several  important  particulars  by  consulting  surveys  showing 
roads  and  milestones  as  they  stood  some  years  after  the  Revolution. 
For  instance,  the  Middle  Road,  line  of  Fifth  Avenue,  did  not  exist  in 
1776;  the  eighth  milestone  was  not  in  Harlem  near  One  Hundred  and 
Twenty-fifth  Street;  the  ninth  and  tenth  milestones  were  lower  down 
than  he  indicates,  etc.  The  correct  distances  are  given  in  the  maps 
accompanying  this  work.  They  represent  the  Revolutionary  period. 
Changes  set  in  soon  after  the  war. 


The  Stiles  Sketch  of  the  Harlem  Action,  1776. 

EXPLANATION. 

A.  The  north  side  of  a  hollow  way  where  the  action  began. 

B.  Fence,  behind  which  the  enemy  rallied  the  first  time. 

C.  Fence,  from  whence  our  people  attacked  the  enemy  at  B,  150  yards 

apart. 

D.  No  field-pieces,  but  Virginia  detachment  enfiladed  the  enemy. 

E.  Buckwheat  field,  where  the  enemy  rallied  a  second  time  and  an 

action  ensued  for  1.^  hours,  when  the  enemy  fled,  and  attempt- 
ing to  rally  in  an  orchard  at 

F.  Were  so  closely  pursued  that  they  stood  but  a  few  minutes  when 

the  rout  became  general. 

[Original  in  Library  of  Yale  University.    Lettering  printed.] 


SITE  OF  THE  BATTLE-FIELD 


117 


below  Jones',  near  Striker's  Bay,  lay  three  British  men-of- 
war  in  plain  view  of  many  of  the  combatants.  Three 
different  accounts  mention  them.  Lieutenant  Hodgkins 
says  that  the  enemy  "  got  under  cover  of  their  ships  which 
was  in  North  River.  Then  our  people  left  them."  Among 
the  Stiles  papers  is  a  letter  from  Lieutenant  Grossman,  in 
which  he  tells  his  father:  "I  turned  out  volunteer  & 
followed  them  and  we  won  the  ground,  drove  them  till 
they  brought  their  ships  to  bear  on  us,  and  the  grape  shot 
flew  thick  eno'  for  once."  The  soldier  Martin  remembers 
that  the  enemy  "  found  shelter  under  the  cannon  of  some 
of  their  shipping,  lying  in  the  North  River."  So  the 
action  closed  on  the  river  side.  Confirmation  comes  from 
Montresor,  who  reports  that  the  rebels  were  attempting 

to  cut  off  our  left,  and  getting  around  us  between  our 
left  and  Hudson's  River." 

We  may  also  recall  the  fact  that  on  the  night  of  the 
battle,  September  16th,  the  enemy  began  to  fortify  their 
position,  and  in  the  course  of  three  weeks  had  thrown  up 
a  strong  line  of  works  across  from  Jones'  to  McGowan's 
Pass.  Of  this  line  almost  no  mention  has  been  made 
either  by  general  or  local  historians.  It  ran  directly 
across  the  upper  part  of  present  Central  Park,  and  was 
intended  to  protect  New  York  from  rebel  attacks  while 
Howe  operated  with  his  main  force  elsewhere.^  Among 
the  "  Authorities  "  will  be  found  certain  extracts  from  the 

^  From  the  "  Xarrative  of  Lieutenant-General  Sir  William  Howe," 
London,  1780:  "From  that  time  [Sept.  16]  to  the  12'^^  of  October 
we  were  employed  in  fortifying  the  heights  from  Macgowan's  Pass 
to  the  North  River,  about  two  miles  from  the  enemy's  most  advanced 
intrenchments,  and  in  getting  possession  of  Paulus  Hook.  .  .  .  There 
was  a  necessity  of  intrenching  upon  the  height  I  have  mentioned,  in 
order  to  cover  New  York  in  the  absence  of  the  main  army."  An 
original  MSS.  map  of  this  line  is  in  the  possession  of  the  New  York 
Historical  Society. 


118 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


orderly-book  of  the  guards  showing  the  progress  of  the 
work,  especially  at  and  around  Jones'  house.  That  point 
on  their  left  was  well  secured.  The  "  rock-redoubt  "  was 
just  east  of  the  house ;  a  small  battery  in  front.  Mr. 
Jones,  the  occupant,  evidently  hoped  to  escape  the  rav- 
ages of  war  by  securing  an  order  of  protection  from  the 
nearest  British  generals,  CUnton  and  Leslie.  He  was 
supplied  with  one  on  the  day  after  the  battle,  but  inevi- 
tably his  property  was  ruined.^  Among  the  items  of  the 
Claims "  he  subsequently  presented,  appeared  one  for 
material  for  an  extensive  range  of  works  from  the  river 
to  McGowan's  Pass  which  comprehended  timber  for  the 
Forts  and  platforms  for  the  Redoubts  for  upwards  of  1800 
yards  —  damage  unspeakable."  In  this  line  of  works  we 
have  an  additional  piece  of  evidence,  indicating  the  point 
to  which  the  enemy  were  pushed.  Clinton  says  distinctly 
that  they  were  "well  contented  to  hold  the  last  ground 
we  drove  them  to."  Again,  "  I  lay  within  a  mile  of  them 
the  night  after  the  battle  and  never  heard  men  work 
harder."  From  his  position  at  the  Fly  to  the  Jones' 
house  was  about  a  mile.  Some  days  after  the  action. 
Colonel  Glover  wrote  to  Washington  from  Fort  Lee,  on 
the  Jersey  side,  where  he  could  overlook  the  field :  "  The 
enemy  are  forming  an  encampment  on  the  edge  of  North 
River  [at  Jones'  place]  about  one  mile  below  where  the 
battle  was  fought  on  Monday."  At  Fort  Lee,  also,  some 
New  Jersey  troops  witnessed  the  engagement,  and  from 
reports  coming  through  them  Peter  Dubois  made  out 

1  The  following  appears,  with  many  other  interesting  particulars 
in  regard  to  the  Jones  estate,  from  Pasko's  "Old  New  York": 
"  Mem :  Tuesday  Sept.  17,  1776,  Received  a  Protection  of  Major 
General  Leslie,  strictly  requiring  no  person  to  molest  or  injure  Mr. 
Jones,  his  family  or  property,  on  their  peril.  Wed  18"»,  the  same  con- 
firmed by  order  of  (the  then)  Maj.  Gen.  Clinton." 


SITE  OF  THE  BATTLE-FIELD 


119 


(Nos.  35,  36)  that  it  was  fought  "  on  the  banks  of  Hud- 
son's River  about  two  miles  higher  than  Mr.  Apthorps, 
near  where  the  Gully  terminates  that  crosses  the  island 
as  you  enter  Harlem  Lane  from  Kingsbridge."  The 
gully  was  the  Hollow  Way,  and  from  Apthorpe's  to  the 
upper  edge  of  Martje  David's  Fly,  where  the  fighting 
began,  is  precisely  two  miles. 

An  interesting  letter  from  Captain  Gustavus  Brown 
Wallace,  of  Weedon's  Virginia  Regiment,  throws  light 
on  what  occurred  near  Martje  David's  Fly  where  the 
action  began,  and  should  be  consulted  in  connection  with 
what  has  been  said  on  pages  73-76.  To  his  brother  at 
Fredericksburg  the  captain  writes  from  camp,  Septem- 
ber 18th:  "That  night  [the  15th]  our  Regiment  were 
kept  under  arms  the  whole  night,  and  in  the  morning 
about  9  o'clock  we  heard  our  picquet  guard  that  belonged 
to  a  New  England  brigade  attacked  by  the  enemy,  on 
which  our  Regt.  was  drawn  up  in  a  small  field  that 
we  had  been  in  all  night  and  about  five  or  six  min- 
utes after  we  saw  the  picquet  guard  running  like  the 
d — 1,^  on  which  we  were  ordered  to  advance  forward 
with  7  Companies  for  over  half  a  mile  which  we  did  and 
then  formed  in  the  woods  on  the  side  of  a  hill  just  above 
a  meadow  that  was  150  yards  wide.  We  then  came  in 
sight  of  our  enemy  who  were  posted  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  meadow  on  a  woody  hill,  on  which  Capt.  West, 
Capt.  Thornton,  Capt.  Ashby  and  a  rifle  company  from 
Maryland  were  ordered  under  command  of  Maj'  Leitch 
to  cross  the  swamp  above  the  meadow  and  flank  the 
enemy  —  after  our  seven  companies  of  musquetry  were 
drawn  on  the  side  of  the  hill,  the  enemy  fired  on  our 

1  We  take  this  running  to  have  been  the  feigned  retreat  of 
Colonel  Crary's  party  who  were  sent  forward  to  decoy  the  enemy 
into  the  Hollow  Way.    See  pp.  69,  70. 


120 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


right  wing,  which  brought  on  a  pretty  hot  engagement 
across  the  meadow  —  the  distance  was  so  great  that  there 
was  little  execution  done  on  either  side  till  a  Connecti- 
cut Brigade  [probably  Nixon's  Massachusetts  and  Rhode 
Island]  got  betwixt  us  and  the  enemy  in  the  thicket  that  lay 
on  our  side  of  the  meadow,  from  which  they  killed  a  few. 
This  drew  the  enemy's  attention  on  us  and  them  that  were 
in  the  thicket,  on  which  Maj'  Leitch  was  ordered  to  sur- 
round them,  and  in  attempting  it  he  and  his  party  fell  in 
with  about  1500  of  the  enemy  who  had  like  to  have  taken 
Leitch  and  his  party,  but  they  made  a  manfull  stand  and 
exchanged  three  rounds  when  our  poor  Maj'  received 
three  balls  through  his  side  on  which  his  party  were 
obliged  to  retreat,  but  did  great  execution.  We  had  in 
that  part  of  our  Regiment  3  killed,  8  wounded.  We  had 
in  the  main  body  of  the  Regiment  where  I  was  three 
wounded.  .  .  .  The  Major  is  thought  to  be  in  a  good 
way.  Thos.  Hungerford  got  slightly  wounded  in  the 
foot.  Col.  Weedon  got  part  of  the  hilt  of  his  sword 
taken  off  by  a  ball.  All  our  officers  and  soldiers  behaved 
with  the  greatest  bravery  and  the  troops  that  were  engaged 
got  Gen^  Washington's  thanks  yesterday  in  publick  orders. 
I  forgot  to  tell  you  the  enemy  retreated  from  the  battle  field 
and  we  took  possession  of  it.  .  .  .  When  Leitch  attacked 
them  they  retreated  from  us  and  we  took  the  ground  they 
occupied.  The  wood  they  lay  in  were  cut  to  pieces  by 
our  balls.  Though  I  say  it  that  should  not  say  it  —  the 
Virginia  Regt.  has  got  great  honour  in  this  action."  ^ 

As  Captain  Wallace  states  in  the  opening  of  this  letter 
that  his  regiment  was  in  General  Greene's  command,  and 

1  The  original  of  this  hitherto  unpublished  letter  is  in  possession 
of  Mr.  Robert  T.  Knox,  of  Fredericksburg,  Virginia,  the  writer 
having  received  it  through  the  favor  of  the  Rev.  Dr.  R.  R.  Howisoa, 
of  the  same  place. 


SITE  OF  THE  BATTLE-FIELD 


121 


as  Colonel  Griffith  adds  that  it  was  ordered  out  early  in 
the  day  to  take  "  a  particular  post  in  front,"  the  position 
of  the  battalion  seems  to  be  made  out.  The  meadow  can 
be  none  other  than  the  "  Round  Meadow  "  or  Fly,  and  the 
hillside  where  the  regiment  was  posted  may  be  identified 
as  the  slope  of  the  former  Lawrence  Hill,  One  Hundred 
and  Thirty-third  Street,  near  the  Hudson.  The  enemy 
were  on  the  opposite  side,  which  was  the  Claremont  Hill. 
Then  Leitch  is  detached  and  marches  east  across  "the 
swamp  above  the  meadow  "  (see  "  Plan  "  of  battle,  where 
the  swamp  is  indicated)  to  join  Knowlton  in  the  circuitous 
flank  attack.  Weedon's  seven  remaining  companies  take 
part,  with  Crary  and  Nixon,  in  the  exchange  of  fire  which 
continued  for  about  an  hour  near  the  Fly,  and  with  which 
encounter  the  main  fighting  of  the  day  began.  This  has 
been  more  fully  noticed  on  page  70.  In  other  words, 
Captain  Wallace's  letter  goes  to  sustain  Clinton  in  open- 
ing the  action  "  at "  and  "  near  the  point  of "  Martje 
David's  Fly.  From  the  captain's  statement  that  they 
fired  across  the  meadow,  it  might  be  inferred  that  the 
fighting  began  a  little  further  west  in  the  Hollow  Way 
than  is  indicated  in  the  "  Plan  "  of  the  battle.  This  con- 
firms all  the  many  other  references  placing  the  action  on 
the  westerly  side. 

The  documentary  evidence  invariably  and  conclusively 
points  to  an  action  fought  from  the  edge  of  Martje  David's 
meadow  south  along  "  the  banks  of  Hudson's  River  "  to 
Nicholas  Jones'  farmhouse  overlooking  its  waters. 


Plans  of  Martje  David's  Fly.  —  The  two  plans  of  the  Fly  or 
Round  Meadow  opposite  the  next  page  throw  light  on  several  points 
in  the  text.  Thus  General  Howe  and  other  English  authorities  state 
that  on  the  morning  of  the  action  the  Light  Infantry  drove  the  rebels, 
that  is,  Knowlton's  Rangers,  "back  to  their  entrenchments."  These 


122 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


entrenchments  were  light  breastworks  thrown  up  by  Greene's  com- 
mand at  different  points  on  the  northerly  brow  of  tlie  Hollow  Way, 
some  of  which  are  shown  on  Plan  No.  2.  The  breastworks  nearest  to 
the  river  were  on  the  hill  where  the  Lawrence  mansion  afterwards 
stood,  and  they  would  be  in  full  view  from  the  opposite,  or  Claremont, 
hill,  where  the  Light  Infantry  halted  and  sounded  the  fox-chase  call 
across  the  valley.  When  Howe  goes  on  to  report  that  we  retired 
within  our  works  "  after  the  battle,  he  refers  to  the  same  entrench- 
ments. There  were  other  works  at  Point  of  Rocks  which  were  still 
well  preserved  when  Randall  made  his  official  survey  of  the  island  in 
1812-15.  Modern  improvements,  fortunately,  cannot  efface  the  char- 
acteristic features  of  this  part  of  the  field.  While  the  bay,  or  Harlem 
Cove,  has  been  largely  filled  up  and  the  meadow  and  swajupy  ground, 
extending  back  to  the  Boulevard,  were  long  since  filled  in  and  covered 
with  buildings,  the  "  Hollow  "  remains.  One  can  stand  on  the  Clare- 
mont slope  and  overlook  the  entire  scene  where  the  action  began. 
There  is  the  valley  across  w^hich  the  firing  was  kept  up  for  about  an 
hour  after  the  Light  Troops  ran  down  the  hillside  and  accepted  our 
challenge.  It  was  long-range  musketry  fire  all  along  from  the  line  of 
the  Boulevard  to  the  meadow  —  "a  pretty  hot  engagement,"  says 
Captain  Wallace,  but  the  distance  too  great  for  much  execution ; 
"smart  firing,"  and  "  very  brisk,"  write  Washington  and  Clinton;  a 
"  very  hot  fire,"  lasting  more  than  an  hour,  says  Lieutenant  Hodgkins. 
During  that  hour  Knowlton  and  Leitch  were  getting  into  position 
further  east  in  the  valley  to  hem  in  the  Infantry  with  their  flank 
movement.  Then  the  action  continued  southward  along  the  Bloom- 
ingdale  road  and  the  line  of  the  Boulevard.  This  part  of  the  field  can 
be  surveyed  from  the  high  ground  along  Claremont  Avenue,  east  of 
Grant's  tomb. 

Plan  Xo.  2  also  explains  and  illustrates  General  Greene's  statement 
in  No.  23  :  "  The  enemy  next  day  at  Harlem  Heights,  flushed  with  the 
successes  of  the  day  before,  approached  and  attacked  our  lines,  where  I 
had  the  honor  to  command."  We  may  put  the  general  on  the  Law- 
rence Hill  when  the  fight  opened.  Just  below  him  on  the  slopes  and 
in  "the  thickets"  his  troops  were  beginning  the  day's  work.  Right 
there  we  would  find  the  officers  whose  letters  have  been  quoted  in  the 
narrative,  —  Hodgkins,  Gooch,  Wallace,  and  others.  On  this  ground, 
too.  General  Clinton,  as  he  tells  us,  was  posted  with  his  New  York 
brigade  on  the  night  after  the  battle  —  "on  the  ground  the  action  first 
began,"  are  his  words. 


Martje  David's  Fly  or  the  Round  Meadow,  1776. 

Xo.  1.    Extract  from  the  draught  of  City  Surveyor  Goerck,  1795.  Lib. 

52,  p.  126,  Register's  Office,  Xew  York.    Lettering  printed. 

Xo.  2.    From  outline  British  draught,  about  1776,  in  Library  of  Con- 
gress, AVashington. 
The  swords  and  streets  inserted  show  about  Nvhere  the  main  action 

began,  11  a.m.,  this  being  the  most  northerly  point  to  which  the  enemy 

advanced.    Compare  with  the    Vly  "  in  the  plan  of  tlie  battle,  pp.  70-71. 


AUTHORITIES 

AMERICAN,  ENGLISH,  AND  HESSIAN 

ON  THE 

BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 

INCLUDING  LETTERS  AND  DOCUMENTS  ON  VARIOUS 
EVENTS  OF  THE  CAMPAIGN 


AUTHORITIES 


No.  1 

WASHINGTON  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS 

Cambridge  [Mass.],  13  March,  1776. 

Sir, 

In  my  letter  of  the  7th  and  9th  instant,  which  I  had 
the  honor  of  addressing  you,  I  mentioned  the  intelligence 
I  had  received  respecting  the  embarkation  of  the  [British] 
troops  from  Boston ;  and  fully  expected  before  this,  that 
the  town  would  have  been  entirely  evacuated.  .  .  . 

Holding  it  of  the  last  importance  in  the  present  contest 
that  we  should  secure  New  York,  and  prevent  the  enemy 
from  possessing  it,  and  conjecturing  they  have  views  of 
that  sort,  and  their  embarkation  be  for  that  purpose,  I 
judged  it  necessary,  under  the  situation  of  things  here,  to 
call  a  council  of  general  officers  to  consult  on  such  meas- 
ures, as  might  be  expedient  to  be  taken  at  this  interesting 
conjuncture  of  affairs.  A  copy  of  the  proceedings  I  have 
the  honor  to  enclose  to  you.  Agreeably  to  the  opinion  of 
the  council,  I  shall  detach  the  rifle  regiment  to-morrow, 
under  the  command  of  Brigadier-General  Sullivan,  mth 
orders  to  repair  to  New  York  with  all  possible  expedition ; 
which  will  be  succeeded  the  day  after  by  the  other  five  in 
one  brigade,  they  being  all  that  it  was  thought  advisable 
to  send  from  hence,  till  the  enemy  shall  have  quitted  the 
town.  Immediately  upon  their  departure,  I  shall  send 
forward  Major-General  Putnam,  and  follow  myself  with 
the  remainder  of  the  army,  as  soon  as  I  have  it  in  my 

125 


126 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


power,  leaving  here  such  a  number  of  men  as  circum- 
stances may  seem  to  require.  .  .  . 

As  New  York  is  of  such  importance,  prudence  and 
policy  require  that  every  precaution  that  can  be  devised 
should  be  adopted  to  frustrate  the  designs  which  the 
enemy  have  of  possessing  it.  To  this  end  I  have  ordered 
vessels  to  be  provided  and  held  ready  at  Norwich  for  the 
embarkation  and  transportation  of  our  troops  thither.  .  .  . 

[Sparks'  Washington,  Vol.  IH.,  p.  31L    Ford's  Washington,  Vol.  IH., 

p.  467.] 


No.  2 

WASHINGTON  TO  THE  COMMANDING  OFFICER  AT  NEW 

YORK 

Cambridge,  14  March,  1776. 

Sir, 

I  have  stronger  reasons  since  I  last  wrote  to  you,  to  con- 
firm me  in  my  opinion,  that  the  army  under  General  Howe 
is  on  its  departure.  All  their  movements  pronounce  it; 
but  lest  it  be  but  a  feint,  I  must  continue  on  my  guard, 
and  not  weaken  my  lines  too  much,  until  I  have  a  certainty 
of  their  departure.  It  is  given  out  that  they  are  bound  to 
Halifax ;  but  I  am  of  opinion  that  New  York  is  the  place 
of  their  destination.  It  is  the  object  worthy  of  their  atten- 
tion, and  it  is  the  place  that  we  must  use  every  endeavor 
to  keep  from  them.  For  should  they  get  that  town  and 
the  command  of  the  North  River,  they  can  stop  the  inter- 
course between  the  northern  and  southern  colonies,  upon 
which  depends  the  safety  of  America.  My  feelings  upon 
this  subject  are  so  strong  that  I  would  not  wish  to  give  the 
enemy  a  chance  of  succeeding  at  your  place.  .  .  . 


AUTHORITIES 


127 


The  plan  of  defence  formed  by  General  Lee  is,  from 
what  little  I  know  of  the  place,  a  very  judicious  one.  I 
hope,  nay,  I  dare  say,  it  is  carrying  into  execution  with 
spirit  and  industry.  You  may  judge  from  the  enemy's 
keeping  so  long  possession  of  the  town  of  Boston  against 
an  army  superior  in  numbers,  and  animated  with  the  noble 
spirit  of  liberty ;  I  say,  you  may  judge  by  that,  how  much 
easier  it  is  to  keep  an  enemy  from  forming  a  lodgment  in 
a  place,  than  it  will  be  to  dispossess  them,  when  they  get 
themselves  fortified.  As  I  have  in  my  last  told  you  that 
the  fate  of  this  campaign,  of  course  the  fate  of  America, 
depends  upon  you  and  the  army  under  your  command, 
should  the  enemy  attempt  your  quarter,  I  will  dwell  no 
more  thereon,  though  the  vast  importance  of  the  subject 
would  make  an  apology  for  repetitions  needless. 

[Sparks'  Washington,  Vol.  III.,  p.  317.   Ford's  Washington,  Vol.  ni., 

p.  473.] 


No.  3 

WASHINGTON  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS 

Headquarters,  at  Colonel  Morris's  House, 
16  September,  1776. 

On  Saturday  about  sunset,  six  more  of  the  enemy's  ships, 
one  or  two  of  which  were  men-of-war,  passed  between  Gov- 
ernor's Island  and  Red  Hook,  and  went  up  the  East  River 
to  the  station  taken  by  those  mentioned  in  my  last.  In 
half  an  hour  I  received  two  expresses,  one  from  Colonel 
Sargent  at  Horen's  Hook,  giving  an  account  that  the 
enemy,  to  the  amount  of  three  or  four  thousand,  had 
marched  to  the  river,  and  were  embarked  for  Barn  or 
Montresor's  Island  where  numbers  of  them  were  then  en- 


128 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


camped ;  the  other  from  General  Mifliin,  that  uncommon 
and  formidable  movements  were  discovered  among  the 
enemy ;  which  being  confirmed  by  the  scouts  I  had  sent 
out,  I  proceeded  to  Haerlem,  where  it  was  supposed,  or  at 
Alorrisania  opposite  to  it,  the  principal  attempt  to  land 
would  be  made.  However,  nothing  remarkable  happened 
that  night;  but  in  the  morning  they  began  their  opera- 
tions. Three  ships  of  war  came  up  the  North  River  as 
high  as  Bloomingdale,  which  put  a  total  stop  to  the  re- 
moval by  water,  of  any  more  of  our  provision ;  and  about 
eleven  o'clock  those  in  the  East  River  began  a  most  severe 
and  heavy  cannonade,  to  scour  the  grounds,  and  cover  the 
landing  of  their  troops  between  Turtle  Bay  and  the  city, 
where  breastworks  had  been  thrown  up  to  oppose  them. 

As  soon  as  I  heard  the  firing,  I  rode  with  all  possible 
despatch  towards  the  place  of  landing,  when  to  my  great 
surprise  and  mortification,  I  found  the  troops  that  had 
been  posted  in  the  lines  retreating  with  the  utmost  pre- 
cipitation, and  those  ordered  to  support  them  (Parsons's 
and  Fellows's  brigades)  flying  in  every  direction,  and  in  the 
greatest  confusion,  notwithstanding  the  exertions  of  their 
generals  to  form  them.  I  used  every  means  in  my  power 
to  rally  and  get  them  into  some  order ;  but  my  attempts 
were  fruitless  and  ineffectual ;  and  on  the  appearance  of  a 
small  party  of  the  enemy,  not  more  than  sixty  or  seventy, 
their  disorder  increased,  and  they  ran  away  in  the  greatest 
confusion,  without  firing  a  single  shot. 

Finding  that  no  confidence  was  to  be  placed  in  these 
brigades,  and  apprehending  that  another  party  of  the 
enem}"  might  pass  over  to  Haerlem  Plains  and  cut  off  the 
retreat  to  this  place,  I  sent  orders  to  secure  the  heights  in 
the  best  manner  with  the  troops  that  were  stationed  on 
and  near  them;  which  being  done,  the  retreat  was  effected 


AUTHORITIES 


129 


with  but  little  or  no  loss  of  men,  though  of  a  considerable 
part  of  our  baggage,  occasioned  by  this  disgraceful  and 
dastardly  conduct.  Most  of  our  heavy  cannon,  and  part 
of  our  stores  and  provisions,  which  we  were  about  remov- 
ing, were  unavoidably  left  in  the  city,  though  every  means, 
after  it  had  been  determined  in  council  to  evacuate  the 
post,  had  been  used  to  prevent  it.  We  are  now  encamped 
with  the  main  body  of  the  army  on  the  Heights  of  Haer- 
lem,  where  I  should  hope  the  enemy  would  meet  with  a 
defeat  in  case  of  an  attack,  if  the  generality  of  our  troops 
would  behave  with  tolerable  bravery.  But  experience,  to 
my  extreme  affliction,  has  convinced  me  that  this  is  rather 
to  be  wished  for  than  expected.  However,  I  trust  that 
there  are  many  who  will  act  like  men,  and  show  them- 
selves worthy  of  the  blessings  of  freedom.  I  have  sent 
some  reconnoitring  parties  to  gain  intelligence,  if  possible, 
of  the  disposition  of  the  enemy,  and  shall  inform  Congress 
of  every  material  event  by  the  earliest  opportunity. 

[Sparks'  Washington,  Vol.  IV.,  p.  93.] 


No.  4 

"WASHINGTON  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS 

Headquarters,  at  Colonel  Roger  Morris's  House, 
18  September,  1776. 

As  my  letter  of  the  16th  contained  intelligence  of  an 
important  nature,  and  such  as  might  lead  Congress  to 
expect  that  the  evacuation  of  New  York  and  retreat  to 
the  Heights  of  Haerlem,  in  the  manner  they  were  made, 
would  be  succeeded  by  some  other  interesting  event,  I  beg 
leave  to  inform  them,  that  as  yet  nothing  has  been  at- 


130 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


tempted  upon  a  large  and  general  plan  of  attack.  About 
the  time  of  the  post's  departure  with  my  letter,  the  enemy 
appeared  in  several  large  bodies  upon  the  plains,  about  two 
and  a  half  miles  from  hence.  I  rode  down  to  our  advanced 
posts,  to  put  matters  in  a  proper  situation,  if  they  should 
attempt  to  come  on.  When  I  arrived  there  I  heard  a 
firing,  which,  I  was  informed,  was  between  a  party  of  our 
Rangers  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Knowl- 
ton,  and  an  advanced  party  of  the  enemy.  Our  men  came 
in  and  told  me,  that  the  body  of  the  enemy,  who  kept 
themselves  concealed,  consisted  of  about  three  hundred,  as 
near  as  they  could  guess.  I  immediately  ordered  three 
companies  of  Colonel  Weedon's  regiment  from  Virginia, 
under  the  command  of  Major  Leitch,  and  Colonel  Knowl- 
ton  with  his  Rangers,  composed  of  volunteers  from  differ- 
ent New  England  regiments,  to  try  to  get  in  their  rear, 
while  a  disposition  was  making  as  if  to  attack  them  in 
front,  and  thereby  draw  their  whole  attention  that  way. 

This  took  effect  as  I  wished  on  the  part  of  the  enemy. 
On  the  appearance  of  our  party  in  front,  they  immediately 
ran  down  the  hill,  and  took  possession  of  some  fences  and 
bushes,  and  a  smart  firing  began,  but  at  too  great  a  dis- 
tance to  do  much  execution  on  either  side.  The  parties 
under  Colonel  Knowlton  and  Major  Leitch  unluckily 
began  their  attack  too  soon,  as  it  was  rather  in  flank 
than  in  rear.  In  a  little  time  Major  Leitch  was  brought 
off  wounded,  having  received  three  balls  through  his 
side ;  and,  in  a  short  time  after.  Colonel  Knowlton  got  a 
wound,  which  proved  mortal.  Their  men  however  per- 
severed, and  continued  the  engagement  with  the  greatest 
resolution.  Finding  that  they  wanted  a  support,  I  ad- 
vanced part  of  Colonel  Griffith's  and  Colonel  Richard- 
son's Maryland  regiments,  with  some  detachments  from 


AUTHORITIES 


131 


the  Eastern  regiments  who  were  nearest  the  place  of 
action.  These  troops  charged  the  enemy  with  great  in- 
trepidit}^,  and  drove  them  from  the  wood  into  the  plain, 
and  were  pushing  them  from  thence,  having  silenced 
their  fire  in  a  great  measure,  when  I  judged  it  prudent 
to  order  a  retreat,  fearing  the  enemy,  as  I  have  since 
found  was  really  the  case,  were  sending  a  large  body 
to  support  their  party. 

Major  Leitch  I  am  in  hopes  will  recover;  but  Colonel 
Knowlton's  fall  is  much  to  be  regretted,  as  that  of  a 
brave  and  good  officer.  We  had  about  forty  wounded  ; 
the  number  of  slain  is  not  yet  ascertained;  but  it  is 
very  inconsiderable.  By  a  sergeant,  who  deserted  from 
the  enemy  and  came  in  this  morning,  I  find  that  their 
party  was  greater  than  I  imagined.  It  consisted  of  the 
second  battalion  of  Light  Infantry,  a  battalion  of  the 
Royal  Highlanders,  and  three  companies  of  Hessian  Rifle- 
men, under  the  command  of  Brigadier-General  Leslie. 
The  deserter  reports  that  their  loss  in  wounded  and 
missing  was  eighty-nine,  and  eight  killed.  In  the  latter, 
his  account  is  too  small,  as  our  people  discovered  and 
buried  double  that  number.  This  affair,  I  am  in  hopes, 
will  be  attended  with  many  salutary  consequences,  as  it 
seems  to  have  greatly  inspirited  the  whole  of  our  troops. 
The  sergeant  further  adds,  that  a  considerable  body  of 
men  are  now  encamped  from  the  East  to  the  North 
rivers,  between  the  seven  and  eight  mile-stones  under 
the  command  of  General  Clinton.  General  Howe,  he 
believes,  has  his  quarters  at  Mr.  Apthorp's  house.^ 

P.S.  —  I  should  have  wrote  Congress  by  express  before 
now,  had  I  not  expected  the  post  every  minute,  which  I 

1  In  this  we  have  seen  that  the  sergeant  was  mistaken.  Howe's 
quarters  were  at  Beekman's. 


132 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


flatter  myself  will  be  a  sufficient  apology  for  my  delay- 
ing it. 

The  late  losses  we  have  sustained  in  our  baggage  and 
camp  necessaries,  have  added  much  to  our  distress,  which 
was  very  great  before.  I  must  therefore  take  the  liberty 
of  requesting  Congress  to  have  forwarded,  as  soon  as 
possible,  such  a  supply  of  tents,  blankets,  kettles,  and 
other  articles  as  can  be  collected.  We  cannot  be  over- 
stocked. 

[Ford's  Washington,  Vol.  IH.,  p.  416.] 


No.  5 

WASHINGTON  TO  THE  NEW  YORK  STATE  CONVENTION 

Headquarters,  at  the  Heights  of  Harlem, 
September  23,  1776. 

Sir, 

Your  favour  of  the  21st  instant,  enclosing  the  resolu- 
tion of  the  Representatives  of  the  State  of  New  York, 
has  come  duly  to  hand,  and  will  be  properly  attended  to. 
I  am  exceedingly  obliged  by  the  readiness  you  declare 
you  will  pay  to  any  commands  which  you  may  receive 
from  me  respecting  the  great  cause  in  which  we  are 
engaged. 

The  manoeuvres  of  the  enemy,  before  their  landing  on 
Sunday  last,  were  various  and  perplexing ;  however,  about 
eight  o'clock  in  the  morning,  they  became  extremely  plain 
and  obvious.  At  that  time  they  began  their  operations 
by  sending  three  ships  of  war  up  the  North  River  as  high 
as  Bloomingdale,  which  put  a  stop  to  the  removal  of  our 
stores  by  water:  and  about  eleven  o'clock  those  in  the 


AUTHORITIES 


133 


East  River  began  a  constant  and  heavy  cannonade  for  the 
purpose  of  scouring  the  grounds  and  covering  the  landing 
of  their  troops,  where  breastworks  had  been  thrown  up  to 
oppose  them.  As  soon  as  I  heard  the  firing  I  immediately 
repaired  to  the  place  of  landing,  when,  to  my  extreme  as- 
tonishment, I  discovered  the  troops,  who  were  posted  in 
the  lines,  retreating  in  the  greatest  disorder,  and  Parsons's 
and  Fellows's  brigades,  who  were  directed  to  support 
them,  retreating  in  the  greatest  confusion,  and  without 
making  the  slightest  opposition,  although  only  a  small 
party  of  the  enemy  appeared  in  view.  As  I  perceived 
no  dependence  could  be  reposed  in  these  troops,  and 
apprehending  another  impression  might  be  made  on  the 
Harlem  plains,  by  which  means  our  retreat  to  this  place 
might  be  cut  off,  I  directed  the  heights  to  be  secured, 
and  our  retreat  was  effected  with  little  or  no  loss  of 
men,  though  of  a  considerable  part  of  the  baggage,  some 
of  our  heavy  cannon  and  a  part  of  our  stores  and  pro- 
visions, which  we  were  about  removing,  was  unavoidably 
left  in  the  city,  though  every  means  (after  it  had  been 
determined  in  council  to  abandon  the  post)  had  been 
used  to  prevent  it. 

On  Monday  morning  last,  several  parties  of  the  enemy 
appeared  on  the  high  grounds  opposite  to  our  heights, 
and  some  skirmishing  had  happened  between  our  troops 
and  those  of  the  enemy.  On  reconnoitring  their  situa- 
tion, I  formed  the  design  of  cutting  off  such  of  them  as 
had  or  might  advance  to  the  extremity  of  the  wood.  I 
accordingly  ordered  three  companies  of  Virginia  riflemen, 
under  the  command  of  Major  Leitch  and  Colonel  Knowl- 
ton.  [Description  of  the  action  about  the  same  as  in  pre- 
vious letter.] 

[Force's  American  Archives,  Fifth  Series,  Vol.  IIL] 


134 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


No.  6 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL  JOSEPH  REED  TO  HIS  WIFE 

Heights  near  Kingsbridge, 
Sept.  17,  1776. 

I  wrote  you  yesterday  p'  Post  giving  you  an  Account 
of  our  leaving  New  York.  This  had  been  determined  on 
several  Days  ago — but  the  Removal  of  the  Sick  &  many 
other  Circumstances  prevented  its  being  done  with  that 
Expedition  it  ought  to  have  been.  Had  the  landing 
of  the  Enemy  been  delayed  one  Day  longer  we  should 
have  left  them  the  City.  But  an  unfortunate  Idea  took 
Place  in  the  Mind  of  some  of  our  Northern  Generals  that 
it  might  be  defended  or  at  least  that  some  considerable 
Opposition  might  be  made  to  the  Landing  —  they  under- 
took it  —  permitted  the  Enemy  to  land  without  even  giv- 
ing one  Fire,  could  never  be  form'd  but  were  drove  by  one 
Tenth  of  their  Numbers  —  However  as  I  gave  you  a  par- 
ticular Acc*.  yesterday  I  need  not  repeat  it  —  Just  after  I 
had  sealed  my  Letter  &  sent  it  away,  an  Acc*.  came  that 
the  Enemy  were  advancing  upon  us  in  three  large  Col- 
umns —  we  have  so  many  false  Reports  that  I  desired  the 
General  to  permit  me  to  go  &  discover  what  Truth  there 
was  in  the  Acc'.  I  accordingly  went  down  to  our  most 
advanced  Guard  &  while  I  was  talking  with  the  Officer, 
the  Enemy's  advanced  Guard  fired  upon  us  at  a  small 
Distance,  our  men  behaved  well  stood  &  return'd  the 
Fire  till  overpowered  by  numbers  they  were  obliged  to 
retreat  —  the  Enemy  advanced  upon  us  very  fast;  I  had 
not  quitted  a  House  5  minutes  before  they  were  in  Pos- 
session of  it  —  Finding  how  things  were  going  I  went 
over  to  the  General  to  get  some  support  for  the  brave 


AUTHORITIES 


135 


Fellows  who  had  behaved  so  well  —  by  the  Time  I  got  to 
him  the  Enemy  appeared  in  open  view  &  in  the  most 
insulting  manner  sounded  their  Bugle  Horns  as  is  usual 
after  a  Fox  Chase.  I  never  felt  such  a  sensation  before, 
it  seem'd  to  crown  our  Disgrace.  The  General  was  pre- 
vailed on  to  order  over  a  Party  to  attack  them  &  as  I 
had  been  upon  the  Ground  which  no  one  else  had  it  fell 
to  me  to  conduct  them.  —  an  unhappy  Movement  was 
made  by  a  Reg*,  of  ours  which  had  been  ordered  to  amuse 
them  while  those  I  was  Avith  expected  to  take  them  in  the 
Rear  —  but  being  diverted  by  this  the  Virginia  Regim*. 
with  which  I  was  went  another  course ;  finding  there  was 
no  stopping  them  I  went  with  them  the  new  Way  —  &  in 
a  few  Minutes  our  brave  Fellows  mounted  up  the  Rocks 
&  attacked  them;  then  they  ran  in  Turn  —  each  Party 
sent  in  more  Succours  so  that  at  last  it  became  a  very 
considerable  Engagement  &  Men  fell  on  every  side  — 
however  our  Troops  still  press'd  on  drove  the  Enemy 
above  a  Mile  &  a  half  till  the  General  ordered  them  to  give 
over  the  Pursuit  fearing  the  whole  of  the  Enemy's  Army 
would  advance  upon  them ;  they  retreated  in  very  good 
order  &  I  assure  you  it  has  given  another  Face  of  Things 
in  our  Army  —  the  Men  have  recovered  their  Spirits  & 
feel  a  Confidence  which  before  they  had  quite  lost  —  We 
have  several  Prisoners  &  have  buried  a  considerable  Num- 
ber of  their  dead  —  our  own  Loss  is  also  considerable  — 
the  Virginia  Major  (Leech)  who  went  up  first  with  me 
was  wounded  with  3  Shott  in  less  than  3  Minutes  —  but 
our  greatest  Loss  was  a  brave  Officer  from  Connecticut 
whose  Name  &  Spirit  ought  to  be  immortalized,  one  Col 
Knowlton  —  I  assisted  him  off  &  when  gasping  in  the 
Agonies  of  Death  all  his  Inquiry  was  if  we  had  drove  the 
Enemy. 


136 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


Be  not  alarm'd,  my  dear  Creature  when  I  tell  you  the 
Horse  I  rode  received  a  Shot  [just]  behind  his  fore 
shoulder  — it  happened  to  be  [one]  taken  from  a  Number 
on  the  Hill  —  Tho'  [many  fell]  round  me  thank  God  I 
was  not  struck  [by]  a  single  Ball  &  I  have  the  great 
Happiness  [to  know]  that  I  have  by  getting  the  General 
to  [direct  a]  Reinforcement  to  go  over  contributed  in 
[some  way]  to  the  Benefit  which  may  result  from  this 
[action].  When  I  speak  of  its  Importance  I  do  not  mean 
that  I  think  the  Enemy  have  suffered  a  Loss  which  will 
affect  their  operations  —  but  it  has  given  Spirits  to  our 
Men  that  I  hope  they  will  now  look  the  Enemy  in  the 
Face  with  Confidence  —  but  alas  our  situation  here  must 
soon  be  a  very  distressing  one  if  we  do  not  receive  much 
Relief  in  the  Articles  of  stores,  provision,  Forage  &^  The 
Demands  of  a  large  Army  are  very  great  &  we  are  in  a 
very  doubtful  Condition  on  this  Head. 

[Reed  Papers,  N.  Y.  Historical  Society.] 


No.  7 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL  JOSEPH  REED  TO  HIS  WIFE 

New  York,  Sept.  22,  1776. 
I  have  just  received  yours  of  the  20'^  by  which  I 
imagine  one  of  mine  wrote  the  Day  after  the  Engagement 
of  the  IT'*"  had  not  got  to  Hand  wherein  I  gave  you  the 
particulars  which  I  was  able  to  do  better  than  almost  any 
other  Person  as  I  happened  to  be  in  it  when  it  began  & 
assisted  in  calling  off  our  Troops  —  when  they  had  pur- 
sued the  Enemy  as  far  as  was  thought  proper.  It  hardly 
deserves  the  Name  of  a  Battle,  but  as  it  was  a  Scene  so 


AUTHORITIES 


137 


different  from  what  had  happened  the  Day  before  it 
elevated  our  Troops  very  much  &  in  that  Respect  has 
been  of  great  Service.  It  would  take  up  too  much  Time 
&  Paper  to  go  into  a  minute  Description  of  the  whole 
Affair.  The  Substance  is,  that  we  had  a  Party  out  under 
a  very  brave  Connecticut  officer  Knowlton  (who  fell) 
watching  the  Motions  of  the  Enemy  —  an  Acc*  was 
brought  up  that  the  Enemy  was  advancing  upon  us  in 
3  Columns  —  but  as  we  had  so  often  been  deceived  by 
these  Reports  —  I  went  out  to  see  what  Truth  there  was 
in  it  —  &  fell  in  with  the  above  Party  —  while  I  was  talk- 
ing with  the  Officer  the  Enemy  advanced  &  the  Firing 
began  at  about  50  Yards  Distance;  as  they  were  10  to  1 
ag*  our  Party  we  immediately  retreated  —  I  came  off  to 
the  General  &  after  some  little  Hesitation  prevailed  on 
him  to  let  a  Party  go  up  —  which  as  I  had  been  on  the 
Ground  I  led  myself  they  were  Virginia  Troops  com- 
manded by  a  brave  Officer  Major  Leech  —  I  accordingly 
Avent  with  them  but  was  unhappily  thwarted  in  my  Scheme 
by  some  Persons  calling  to  the  Troops  &  taking  them  out 
of  the  Road  I  intended  —  however  we  went  up  both  Men 
&  Officers  with  great  spirit  —  at  the  same  Time  some  of 
our  Troops  on  another  Quarter  moved  up  towards  the 
Enemy  &  the  Action  began  —  Major  Leech  fell  near  me 
in  a  few  Minutes  with  3  Balls  through  him  but  is  likely 
to  do  well.  Knowlton  also  fell  mortally  wounded  I 
mounted  him  on  my  Horse  &  brought  him  off  —  In  about 
10  [minutes]  our  People  pressing  on  with  great  Ardour 
the  Enemy  gave  Way  &  left  us  the  Ground  which  was 
strew'd  pretty  thick  with  dead  chiefly  of  the  Enemy 
tho  it  since  turns  out  that  our  Loss  is  also  considerable  — 
The  pursuit  of  a  flying  Enemy  was  so  new  a  Scene  that 
it  was  with  Difficulty  our  Men  could  be  brought  to  retreat 


138 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


—  which  tliey  did  in  very  good  Order  —  we  buried  the 
Dead  &  brouofht  off  the  wounded  on  both  sides  as  far  as 
our  troops  had  pursued.  We  have  since  learned  that  the 
main  Body  of  the  Enemy  was  hastily  advancing  so  that 
in  all  Probability  there  would  have  been  a  Reverse  of 
Things  if  the  Pursuit  had  not  been  given  over  as  it  was 

—  You  can  hardly  conceive  the  Change  it  made  in  our 
Army  —  I  hope  its  Effects  will  be  lasting  —  You  will  proba- 
bly hear  from  other  Quarters  the  double  Escape  I  had 

—  My  own  Horse  not  being  at  Hand  I  borrowed  one 
from  a  young  Philadelphian  —  he  received  a  Shot  just 
behind  his  fore  Shoulder  which  narrowly  missed  my  Leg. 
I  am  told  that  he  is  since  dead  —  But  the  greatest  was 
from  one  of  our  own  Rascals  who  was  running  away, 
upon  my  driving  him  back  a  second  Time  he  presented 
his  Piece  &  snapp'd  at  me  at  about  a  Rod  Distance  —  I 
seized  a  Piece  from  another  Soldier  &  snapp'd  at  him  — 
but  he  had  the  same  good  Luck.  He  has  been  since 
tried  &  is  now  under  Sentence  of  Death  —  but  I  believe  I 
must  beg  him  off'  as  after  I  found  I  could  not  get  the 
Gun  off,  I  wounded  him  in  the  Head  &  cut  off  his  thumb 
with  my  Hanger  —  I  suppose  many  Persons  will  think  it 
was  rash  &  imprudent  for  Officers  of  our  Rank  to  go  into 
such  an  action  (Gen^  Puttnam,  Gen.  Green,  many  of  the 
General's  family  —  Tilghman  (fe*'  were  in  it)  but  it 
was  really  done  to  animate  the  Troops  who  were  quite 
dispirited  &  would  not  go  into  Danger  unless  their  officers 
led  the  Way. 

Our  Situation  is  very  much  the  same  as  it  was — we 
are  fortifying  Ground  naturally  strong.  The  Enemy  lay 
about  3  Miles  from  us  —  they  have  been  very  busy  bring- 
ing over  Cannon,  from  Long  Island  but  we  cannot 
learn  what  they  intend. 


AUTHORITIES 


139 


The  Night  before  last  there  was  a  most  dreadful  Fire 
in  the  City  but  how  it  happened  we  are  quite  at  a  Loss  — 
There  was  a  Resolve  of  Congress  against  our  injuring  it, 
so  that  we  neither  set  it  on  Fire  or  made  any  Prepara- 
tions for  the  Purpose  —  Tho  I  make  no  Doubt  it  will  be 
charged  to  us. 

[Reed  Papers,  N.  Y.  Historical  Society.] 


No.  8 

GENERAL  GEORGE  CLINTON  TO  NEW  YORK  CONVENTION 

Kings  Bridge,  September  18,  1776. 

Since  my  last,  many  matters  of  Importance  to  the  Pub- 
lic, and  more  particularly  to  this  State,  have  taken  place ; 
But  I  have  been  so  Situated  as  neither  to  find  Leisure  or 
Opportunity  of  communicating  them  to  Congress.  I  re- 
turned late  last  Night  from  the  Command  of  the  Picquet 
or  Advanced  Party,  in  the  Front  of  our  Lines,  and  was 
just  setting  down  to  write  to  the  Convention,  and  in- 
tended sending  an  Express,  when  I  was  favored  with 
yours  of  Yesterday. 

About  the  middle  of  last  Week  it  was  determined,  for 
many  Reasons,  to  evacuate  the  City  of  New  York ;  and 
accordingly  Orders  were  given  for  removing  the  Ordnance, 
Military,  &  other  Stores  from  thence,  which,  by  Sunday 
morning  was  nearly  effected.  On  Saturday,  four  of  the 
Enemy's  large  Ships  passed  by  the  City  up  the  North 
River,  and  anchored  near  Greenage,  and  about  as  many 
more  up  the  East  River,  which  anchored  in  Turtle  Bay ; 
and  from  the  Movements  of  the  Enemy  on  Long  Island 
and  the  small  Islands  in  the  East  River,  we  had  great 


140 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


reason  to  apprehend  they  intended  to  make  a  Landing, 
and  attack  our  Lines  somewhere  near  the  City.  Our 
Army  for  some  Days  had  been  moving  upwards  this  way, 
and  encamping  on  the  Heights,  south-west  of  Co".  Morris's, 
where  we  intended  to  form  Lines,  and  make  our  grand 
Stand.  On  Sunday  morning  the  Enemy  landed  a  very 
considerable  Body  of  Troops,  principally  consisting  of 
their  Light  Infantry  &  Grenadiers,  near  Turtle  Bay, 
under  Cover  of  a  very  heavy  Cannonade  from  their  Ship- 
ping, our  Lines  were  but  thinly  manned  as  they  were  then 
intended  only  to  secure  a  Retreat  to  the  Rear  of  our 
Army,  &  unfortunately  by  such  Troops  as  were  so  little 
disposed  to  stand  in  the  way  of  Grape  Shot  that  the  main 
Body  of  them  almost  instantly  retreated,  nay,  fled  without 
a  possibility  of  rallying  them,  tho'  General  Washington 
himself  (who  rid  to  the  spot  on  hearing  the  Cannonade) 
with  some  other  General  Ojfficers,  exerted  themselves  to 
effect  it. 

The  Enemy,  on  Landing,  immediately  formed  a  Line 
across  the  Island,  most  of  our  People  were  luckily  North 
of  it,  and  joined  the  Army.  Those  few  that  were  in  the 
City  crossed  the  River,  chiefly  to  Powles-Hook,  so  that 
our  loss  in  Men,  Artillery,  or  Stores,  is  very  inconsider- 
able. I  don't  believe  it  exceeds  100  Men,  and  I  fancy 
most  of  them,  from  their  Conduct,  staid  out  of  Choice. 
Before  Evening,  the  Enemy  landed  the  main  Body  of 
their  Army,  took  Possession  of  the  City,  &  marched  up 
the  Island,  &  encamped  on  the  Heights  extending  from 
McGown's  and  the  Black  Horse  to  the  North  River. 

On  Monday  morning,  about  ten  o'Clock,  a  party  of  the 
Enemy,  consisting  of  Highlanders,  Hessians,  the  Light 
Infantry,  Grenadiers,  and  English  Troops  (Number  un- 
certain) attack'd  our  advanc'd   Party,  commanded  by 


AUTHORITIES 


141 


Co'\  Knowlton  at  Martje  Davits  Fly.  They  were  op- 
posed with  spirit,  and  soon  made  to  retreat  to  a  clear 
Field,  south-west  of  that  about  200  paces,  where  they 
lodged  themselves  behind  a  Fence  covered  with  Bushes 
our  People  attacked  them  in  Turn,  and  caused  them  to 
retreat  a  second  Time,  leaving  five  dead  on  the  Spot,  we 
pursued  them  to  a  Buckwheat  Field  on  the  Top  of  a 
high  Hill,  distance  about  four  hundred  paces,  where  they 
received  a  considerable  Reinforcement,  with  several  Field 
Pieces,  and  there  made  a  Stand ;  a  very  brisk  Action  en- 
sued at  this  Place,  which  continued  about  Two  Hours  our 
People  at  length  worsted  them  a  third  Time,  caused  them 
to  fall  back  into  an  Orchard,  from  thence  across  a  Hollow, 
and  up  another  Hill  not  far  distant  from  their  own  Lines  — 
A  large  Column  of  the  Enemy's  Army  being  at  this  Time 
discovered  to  be  in  motion,  and  the  Ground  we  then  oc- 
cupied being  rather  disadvantageous  a  Retreat  likewise, 
without  bringing  on  a  general  Action,  (which  we  did  not 
think  prudent  to  risk,)  rather  insecure,  our  party  was 
therefore  ordered  in,  and  the  Enemy  was  well  contented 
to  hold  the  last  Ground  we  drove  them  to. 

We  lost,  on  this  occasion,  Co".  Knowlton  a  brave  Officer 
&  sixteen  Privates,  kill'd.  Major  Leech,  from  Virginia, 
and  about  Eight  or  ten  subaltern  Officers  and  Privates 
wounded.  The  Loss  of  the  Enemy  is  uncertain.  They 
carried  their  Dead  and  wounded  off,  in  and  soon  after  the 
Action ;  but  we  have  good  Evidence  of  their  having  up- 
wards of  60  kill'd,  &  violent  presumption  of  100.  The 
Action,  in  the  whole,  lasted  ab*  4  Hours. 

I  consider  our  Success  in  this  small  affair,  at  this  Time, 
almost  equal  to  a  Victory.  It  has  animated  our  Troops, 
gave  them  new  Spirits,  and  erazed  every  bad  Impression, 
the  Retreat  from  Long  Island,  &c.  had  left  on  their 


142 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


minds,  they  find  they  are  able,  with  inferior  Numbers, 
to  drive  their  Enemy,  and  think  of  nothing  now  but 
Conquest. 

Since  the  above  affair,  nothing  material  has  happened; 
the  Enemy  keep  close  to  their  Lines.  Our  advanc'd  Parties 
continue  at  their  former  Station.  We  are  daily  throwing 
up  Works  to  prevent  the  Enemy  advancing ;  great  atten- 
tion is  paid  to  Fort  Washington,  the  Posts  opposite  to  it 
on  the  Jersey  Shore,  &  the  Obstructions  in  the  River 
which,  I  have  reason  to  believe,  is  already  effectual,  so  as 
to  prevent  their  Shipping  passing ;  however,  it  is  intended 
still  to  add  to  them,  as  it  is  of  the  utmost  consequence  to 
keep  the  Enemy  below  us. 

[Miscellaueous  MSS.,  N.  Y.  Historical  Society.] 


No.  9 

GENERAL  GEORGE  CLINTON  TO  DR.  PETER  TAPPEN 

King's  Bridge  21st.  Sept.  1776. 

I  have  been  so  hurried  &  Fatigued  out  of  the  ordinary 
way  of  my  Duty  by  the  removal  of  our  Army  from  New 
York  &  great  Part  of  the  public  stores  to  this  Place  that 
it  has  almost  worn  me  out  tho'  as  to  Health  I  am  well  as 
usual:  but  how  my  Constitution  has  been  able  to  stand 
lying  out  several  Nights  in  the  Open  Air  &  exposed  to 
Rain  is  almost  a  Miracle  to  me  —  Whom  at  Home  the 
least  Wet  indeed  some  Times  the  Change  of  Weather 
almost  laid  me  up. 

The  Evacuation  of  the  City  I  suppose  has  much  alarmed 
the  Country.  It  was  judged  untenable  in  Council  of 
Gen^  Officers  considering  the  Enemy  possessed  of  Long- 


AUTHORITIES 


143 


Island  (fee,  and  was  therefore  advised  to  be  evacuated. 
The  Artillery  (at  least  all  worth  moving)  &  almost  all 
the  public  stores  were  removed  out  of  it  so  that  when  the 
Enemy  landed  &  attacked  our  Lines  near  the  City  we  had 
but  few  Men  there  (those  indeed  did  not  behave  well) 
our  Loss  however  by  our  Retreat  from  there  either  in  Men 
or  Stores  is  very  inconsiderable.  I  would  not  be  under- 
stood that  it  is  my  Opinion  to  evacuate  the  City  neither 
do  I  mean  now  to  condemn  the  Measure  it  is  done  in- 
tended for  the  best  I  am  certain. 

The  same  Day  the  Enemy  possessed  themselves  of  the 
City,  to  wit,  last  Sunday  they  landed  the  Main  Body  of 
their  Army  &  encamped  on  York  Island  across  about  the 
Eight  Mile  Stone  &  between  that  &  the  four  Mile  Stone. 
Our  Army  at  least  one  Division  of  it  lay  at  Col°  Morris's 
&  so  southward  to  near  the  Hollow  Way  which  runs 
across  from  Harlem  Flat  to  the  North  River  at  Matje 
Davit's  Fly.  About  halfway  between  which  two  Places 
our  Lines  run  across  the  River  which  indeed  at  that  Time 
were  only  began  but  are  now  in  a  very  defensible  state. 
On  Monday  Morning  the  Enemy  attacked  our  Advanced 
Party  Commanded  by  CoP  Knowlton  (a  brave  Officer 
who  was  killed  in  the  Action)  near  the  Point  of  Matje 
Davit's  Fly  the  Fire  was  very  brisk  on  both  sides  our 
People  however  soon  drove  them  back  into  a  Clear  Field 
about  200  Paces  South  East  [west]  of  that  where  they 
lodged  themselves  behind  a  Fence  covered  with  Bushes 
our  People  pursued  them  but  being  oblidged  to  stand  ex- 
posed in  the  open  Field  or  take  a  Fence  at  a  Considerable 
Distance  they  preferred  the  Latter  it  was  indeed  advise- 
able  for  we  soon  brought  a  Couple  of  Field  Pieces  to  bear 
upon  them  which  fairly  put  them  to  flight  with  two  Dis- 
charges only  the  Second  Time  our  People  pursued  them 


144 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


closely  to  the  Top  of  a  Hill  about  400  paces  distant  where 
they  received  a  very  Considerable  Reinforcement  &  made 
their  Second  Stand  Our  People  also  had  received  a  Con- 
siderable Reinforcement,  and  at  this  Place  a  very  brisk 
Action  commenced  which  continued  for  near  two  Hours 
in  which  Time  we  drove  the  Enemy  into  a  Neighbouring 
orchard  from  that  across  a  Hollow  &  up  another  Hill  not 
far  Distant  from  their  own  Encampment,  here  we  found 
the  Ground  rather  Disadvantageous  &  a  Retreat  insecure 
we  therefore  thot  proper  not  to  pursue  them  any  farther  & 
retired  to  our  first  Ground  leaving  the  Enemy  on  the  last 
Ground  we  drove  them  to  —  that  Night  I  commanded  the 
Right  Wing  of  our  advanced  Party  or  Picket  on  the 
Ground  the  Action  first  began  of  which  Col"*  Pawling 
&  CoP  Nicoll's  Regiment  were  part  and  next  Day  I  sent 
a  Party  to  bury  our  Dead.  They  found  but  17.  The 
Enemy  removed  theirs  in  the  Night  we  found  above  60 
Places  where  dead  Men  had  lay  from  Pudles  of  Blood  & 
other  appearances  &  at  other  Places  fragments  of  Band- 
ages &  Lint.  From  the  best  Account  our  Loss  killed  & 
wounded  is  not  much  less  than  seventy  seventeen  of  which 
only  dead  (this  account  of  our  Loss  exceeds  what  I  men- 
tioned in  a  Letter  I  wrote  Home  indeed  at  that  Time  I 
only  had  an  account  of  the  Dead  —  the  Wounded  were 
removed  — 12  oclock  M.  Sunday  two  Deserters  from  on 
Board  the  Bruno  Man  of  War  lying  at  Morrisania  say  the 
Enemy  had  300  killed  on  Monday  last,)  the  Rest  most 
likely  do  well  &  theirs  is  somewhere  about  300  —  upwards 
it  is  generally  believed  —  Tho  I  was  in  the  latter  Part 
indeed  almost  the  whole  of  the  Action  I  did  not  think  so 
many  Men  were  engaged.  It  is  without  Doubt  however 
they  had  out  on  the  Occasion  between  4  and  5000  of  their 
choicest  Troops  &  expected  to  have  drove  us  off  the  Island. 


AUTHORITIES 


145 


They  are  greatly  mortified  at  their  Disappointment  &  have 
ever  since  been  exceedingly  modest  &  quiet  not  having 
even  patroling  Parties  beyond  their  Lines  —  I  lay  within 
a  Mile  of  them  the  Night  after  the  battle  &  never  heard 
Men  work  harder  I  believe  they  thought  we  intended  to 
pursue  our  Advantage  &  Attack  them  next  Morning. 

If  I  only  had  a  Pair  of  Pistols  I  coud  I  think  have  shot  a 
Rascal  or  two  I  am  sure  I  would  at  least  have  shot  a  puppy 
of  an  Officer  I  found  slinking  off  in  the  heat  of  the  Action. 

["N.  Y.  City  during  the  American  Revolution,"  published  by  the  N.  Y. 
Mercantile  Library  Association.] 

No.  10 

GENERAL  GREENE  TO  NICHOLAS  COOKE,  GOVERNOR  OF 
RHODE  ISLAND 

Camp  at  Harlem  Heights, 
September  17,  1776. 

I  suppose  you  have  heard  of  the  retreat  from  Long- 
Island  and  the  evacuation  of  New  York.  The  retreats 
were  both  judicious  and  necessary,  our  numbers  being 
very  insufficient  to  hold  such  an  extent  of  ground.  His 
Excellency  had  proposed  to  evacuate  the  city  and  suburbs 
of  New  York  some  time  before  the  enemy  made  their  last 
landing,  and  had  the  Quartermaster-General  been  able  to 
furnish  the  necessary  wagons  to  remove  the  stores  and 
baggage,  the  retreat  would  have  been  effected  in  good 
order,  had  the  enemy  delayed  their  landing  twenty-four 
hours  longer.  Almost  all  the  old  standing  regiments  was 
drawn  out  of  the  city,  in  order  to  oppose  the  enemy  at 
Hell-Gate,  where  they  made  an  appearance  of  a  very  large 
body  of  troops,  and  movements  as  if  they  intended  a  landing. 

L 


IIG  BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 

We  made  a  miserable,  disorderly  retreat  from  New 
York,  owing  to  the  disorderly  conduct  of  the  Militia,  who 
ran  at  the  appearance  of  the  enemy's  advance  guard ;  this 
was  General  Fellows's  brigade.  They  struck  a  panick 
into  the  troops  in  the  rear,  and  Fellows's  and  Parsons's 
whole  brigade  ran  away  from  about  fifty  men,  and  left 
his  Excellency  on  the  ground  within  eighty  yards  of  the 
enemy,  so  vexed  at  the  infamous  conduct  of  the  troops, 
that  he  sought  death  rather  than  life. 

The  retreat  was  on  the  14th  of  this  instant,  from  New 
York ;  most  of  the  troops  got  off,  but  we  lost  a  prodigious 
deal  of  baggage  and  stores.  On  the  16tli  we  had  a 
skirmish  at  Harlem  Heights :  a  party  of  about  a  thousand 
came  and  attacked  our  advance  post.  They  met  with  a 
very  different  kind  of  reception  from  what  they  did  the 
day  before.  The  fire  continued  about  an  hour,  and  the 
enemy  retreated;  our  people  pursued  them,  and  by 
the  spirited  conduct  of  General  Putnam  and  Colonel 
Reed,  the  Adjutant  General,  our  people  advanced  upon 
the  plain  ground  without  cover,  and  attacked  them  and 
drove  them  back.  His  Excellency  sent  and  ordered  a 
timely  retreat  to  our  advanced  post,  for  he  discovered 
or  concluded  the  enemy  would  send  a  large  reinforce- 
ment, as  their  main  body  lay  near  by.  I  was  sick  Avhen 
the  army  retreated  from  Long  Island,  which  by  tho  by,  was 
the  best  effected  retreat  I  ever  read  or  heard  of,  consider- 
ing the  difficulty  of  the  retreat.  The  Army  now  remains 
quiet,  but  expect  an  attack  every  day.  Col.  Varnum's 
and  Col.  Hitchcock's  regiments  were  in  the  last  action, 
and  behaved  nobly,  but  neither  of  the  Colonels  was  with 
them,  both  being  absent  —  one  sick,  the  other  taking  care 
of  the  sick. 

[Force's  American  Archives,  Fifth  Series,  VoL  IIL] 


AUTHORITIES 


147 


No.  11 

MAJOR  LEWIS  MORRIS,  JR.,  TO  HIS  FATHER 

Headquarters,  Septb',  18*^  1776. 
Monday  morning  an  advanced  jjarty,  Colonel  Knowl- 
ton's  regiment,  was  attacked  by  the  enemy  upon  a  height 
a  little  to  the  southwest  of  Days's  Tavern,  and  after  op- 
posing them  bravely  and  being  overpowered  by  their 
numbers  they  were  forced  to  retreat,  and  the  enemy 
advanced  upon  the  top  of  the  hill  opposite  to  that  which 
lies  before  Dayes's  door,  with  a  confidence  of  Success,  and 
after  rallying  their  men  by  a  bugle  horn  and  resting  them- 
selves a  little  while,  they  descended  the  hill  with  an  in- 
tention to  force  our  flanking  party,  which  extended  from 
the  North  river  to  the  before  mentioned  hill,  but  they 
received  so  warm  a  fusillade  from  that  flank  and  a  party 
that  went  up  the  hill  to  flank  them  and  cut  off  their  retreat, 
that  they  were  forced  to  give  way.  Their  loss  is  something 
considerable,  ours,  about  forty  wounded  and  twelve  killed. 
The  impression  it  made  upon  the  minds  of  our  people  is  a 
most  signal  victory  to  us,  and  the  defeat  a  considerable 
mortification  to  them. 
[From  the  original  in  possession  of  Harry  M.  Morris.     Jay  Pamphlet.] 

No.  12 

CAPTAIN  SAMUEL  SHAW,  KNOX'S  AMERICAN  ARTILLERY, 
TO  HIS  FATHER 

Fort  Washington,  Sept.  1S^\  1776. 
Ever  since  our   retreat  from   Long  Island,  another 
from  New  York  was  looked  upon  as  inevitable.  This 


148 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


event  we  were  hourly  expecting  and  providing  for. 
Accordingly,  far  the  greater  part  of  our  army,  with  near 
the  whole  of  our  military  stores,  were  removed ;  and,  had 
we  been  favored  with  one  day  more,  we  should  have  made 
a  very  good  retreat.  I  came  very  near  being  taken  in 
making  my  escape.  It  was  thus.  A  heavy  firing  being 
heard  from  the  ships  that  had  the  evening  before  gone  up 
the  East  River,  it  was  supposed  by  us,  who  remained  in 
the  city,  that  the  enemy  were  landing  above.  Colonel 
Knox,  myself,  and  several  others  rode  up  to  see  how 
affairs  went;  when  we  came  up  and  found  they  had 
landed,  the  colonel  sent  me  back  into  the  city  with 
orders  for  the  companies  [of  artillery]  to  march  up  to 
oppose  them.  On  my  return  I  found  the  enemy  had  beat 
back  that  part  of  our  army  that  were  to  cover  the  retreat 
of  those  from  the  city,  and  were  in  quiet  possession  of 
the  ground.  Our  companies  having  no  infantry  to  sup- 
port them,  returned,  and  made  their  retreat  under  cover 
of  some  woods  on  the  other  side  of  the  town.  In  getting 
away,  I  was  several  times  discovered  and  pursued  by  the 
enemy,  but,  having  a  good  horse,  effected  my  escape. 
All  my  linen,  my  stockings,  surtout,  blanket,  in  short, 
everything  but  what  I  had  on,  except  a  few  articles 
which  I  left  in  this  place  when  last  here,  are  lost ;  the 
wagon  in  which  they  were  sent  out  in  the  morning  hav- 
ing been  taken  by  the  enemy.  .  .  . 

We  are  now  in  a  much  more  proper  place  for  carrying 
on  the  war  than  when  in  New  York,  as  the  enemy's  ships 
can  now  be  of  no  service  to  them  in  attacking.  The  day 
before  yesterday  we  had  a  proof  of  this,  when  a  part  of 
them  attempted  to  force  a  passage  through  some  woods, 
and  to  take  possession  of  a  number  of  heights,  but  were 
repulsed  with  loss  by  an  equal  if  not  inferior  body  of  our 


AUTHORITIES 


149 


troops,  who  behaved  with  as  much  bravery  as  men  possi- 
bly could.  I  hope,  by  the  blessing  of  Heaven,  affairs  will 
be  in  such  a  posture  this  way,  in  a  few  days,  as  to  bid 
defiance  to  their  future  attempts.  Now  or  never,  is  the 
time  to  make  a  stand,  and,  rather  than  quit  our  post, 
be  sacrificed  to  a  man.  For  my  own  part,  it  is  but  little 
I  can  do,  but  so  long  as  the  war  lasts,  I  devote  myself 
to  it. 

Oct.  11^  1776. 

The  army  still  remains  in  tents.  It  will  be  late  in  the 
season  before  we  get  into  huts  or  barracks.  After  our 
retreat  from  the  city  our  troops  had  a  skirmish  with  the 
enemy,  and  repulsed  them.  Though  in  itself  it  was  a 
small  affair,  the  consequences  were  great,  as  the  check 
they  received  will  probably  be  a  means  of  keeping  off  an 
attack  till  the  spring. 

[Journals  of  Major  Samuel  Shaw,  p.  19.] 


No.  13 

COLONEL  GOLD  S.  SILLIMAN  TO  HIS  WIFE 

Harlem  Heights, 

17  Sept.  1776.    2  o'cl  p.m. 

Yesterday  at  7  o'clock  in  the  morning  we  were  alarmed 
with  the  sight  of  a  considerable  number  of  the  enemy  on 
the  Plains  below  us  about  a  mile  distant.  —  Our  Brigades 
which  form  a  line  across  the  Island  where  I  am  were 
immediately  ordered  under  arms  —  but  as  the  enemy  did 
not  immediately  advance  we  grounded  our  arms  &  took 
spades  &  shovels  &  went  to  work  &  before  night  had 
thrown  up  lines  across  the  Island  —  There  was  nothing 
before  but  three  little  redoubts  in  about  a  mile  &  we  are 


150 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


at  work  this  day  in  strengthening  them.  But  yesterday  a 
little  before  noon  we  heard  a  strong  firing  about  half  a 
mile  below  us  in  the  woods  near  where  we  had  two 
Brigades  lying  as  an  advanced  guard.  The  enemy  in  a 
large  body  advanced  in  the  woods  a  little  before  12  o'cl  & 
began  a  heavy  fire  on  those  two  Brigades  who  maintained 
the  fire  obstinately  for  some  time  &  then  they  were  rein- 
forced by  several  regiments  &  the  fire  continued  very 
heavy  from  the  musketry  &  from  field  pieces  about  two 
hours  —  in  which  time  our  people  drove  the  regulars  back 
from  post  to  post  about  a  mile  &  a  half  &  then  left  them 
pretty  well  satisfied  with  their  dinner  since  which  they 
have  been  very  quiet.  Our  loss  on  this  occasion  by  the 
best  information  is  about  25  killed  &  40  or  50  wounded. 
The  enemy  by  the  best  accounts  have  suffered  much  more 
than  we. 

A  prisoner  we  have  I  am  told  says  that  Genl.  Howe 
himself  commanded  the  regular  &  Genl.  Washington  & 
Genl.  Putnam  were  both  with  our  Troops.  They  have 
found  now  that  when  we  meet  them  on  equal  ground  we 
are  not  a  set  of  people  that  will  run  from  them  — but  that 
they  have  now  had  a  pretty  good  drubbing,  tho'  this  was 
an  action  between  but  a  small  part  of  the  army. 

[L.  I.  Historical  Society  Series,  Vol.  IIL,  Part  II.,  p.  55.] 


No.  14 

GENERAL  KNOX  TO  HIS  BROTHER  WILLIAM  KNOX 

Heights  of  Harlem,  8  Miles  from  X.  York, 
Sept.  23,  1770. 

The  affair  of  last  Monday  has  had  some  good  conse- 
quences toward  raising  the  peoples  spirits  —  they  find  that 


AUTHORITIES 


151 


if  they  stick  to  these  mighty  men  they  will  run  as  fast  as 
other  people.  Our  people  pursued  them  nearly  two  miles 
—  about  1,500  of  our  people  engaged  of  the  enemy  about 
the  same  number  viz.,  the  2d.  Battalion  light  infantry, 
the  Highlands  or  42d.  6th  Battalion  of  Grenadiers  and 
some  Hessians.  The  grounds  which  we  now  possess  are 
strong.  I  think  we  shall  defend  them  —  if  we  dont  I 
hope  God  will  punish  us  both  in  this  World  and  the 
World  to  come  if  the  fault  is  ours. 

[Knox  Papers,  N.  Y.  Historic  Genealogical  Society.] 


No.  15 

MAJOR  NICHOLAS  FISH  TO   JOHN  M^'KESSON,  SECRETARY 
NEW  YORK  CONVENTION 

KiNGSBRiDGE,  19^^^  Sept'  1776. 
Our  Retreat  from  the  City,  you  no  Doubt  must  have 
heard  of  er'e  this.  This  Phoenomenon  took  Place  on 
Sunday  Morn^  last  when  our  Brigade,  who  were  the  last 
in  the  City  excepting,  the  Guards,  marched  to  the  lines 
back  of  Stuyvesants,  where  from  the  Movements  of  the 
Enemy  it  was  evident  was  the  determination  for  landing. 
—  The  Enemy's  Ships  of  War  being  drawn  up  in  line  of 
Battle  parallel  to  the  shore  the  Troops  to  the  amount  of 
about  4,000  being  embarked  in  flat  bottom  Boats,  and  the 
Boats  paraded  —  A  Cannonade  from  the  Ships  began, 
which  far  exceeded  my  Ideas,  and  which  seemed  to  infuse 
a  Panic  thro'  the  whole  of  our  Troops,  especially  the  Con- 
necticut Troops  who  unfortunately  were  posted  upon  the 
left,  where  the  Enemy  landed  without  the  least  opposition  ; 
for  upon  their  near  approach  to  the  Shore  these  dastardly 


152 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


sons  of  Cowardice  deserted  their  Lines  &  fled  in  the  great- 
est Disorder  &  precipitature  &  I  know  not  but  I  may 
venture  to  say  Infected  those  upon  the  Right,  who  speed- 
ily copied  their  vile  conduct  &  then  pursued  them  in  their 
flight.  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  the  Panic  seized  as  well 
Ofiicers  (&  those  of  distinction)  as  Men,  in  so  much  that 
it  magnified  the  Number  of  the  Enemy  to  thrice  the 
Reality  &  generated  substances  from  their  own  shadows, 
which  greatly  assisted  them  in  their  flight  to  the  Heights 
above  Harlem. 

We  are  now  in  possession  of  the  ground  from  the 
Heights  of  Harlem  to  the  Heights  of  West  Chester,  our 
advance  Guard  is  posted  a  Mile  from  our  Lines  ;  here  it 
was  that  our  brave  and  heroic  Marylanders,  Virginians, 
&c.  made  a  Noble  &  resolute  stand  against  the  Efforts  of 
the  Enemy  on  Monday  the  16th  drove  them  back,  pur- 
sued, and  forced  them  to  retire  —  The  Conduct  of  our 
Troops  on  this  occasion  was  so  counter  to  that  of  some 
others  the  preceding  Day  as  nearly  to  form  a  Counter- 
prise. 

Our  troops  were  in  a  most  desponding  Condition  before, 
but  now  are  in  good  spirits. 

P.S.  In  the  action  of  the  16th  we  lost  about  17  killed 
and  I  believe  as  many  wounded.  It  is  remarkable  that 
all  our  killed  were  shot  thro'  the  Head  which  induces  the 
belief  that  they  were  first  taken  Prisoners  &  then  massa- 
cred.—  The  Number  of  the  Enemy  killed  and  wounded 
is  not  yet  known,  but  it  is  generally  thought,  they  far 
exceed  us. 

[Historical  Magazine,  Second  Series,  IH.,  33.] 


AUTHORITIES 


153 


No.  16 

CAPTAIN  JOHN  GOOCH  TO  THO]VIAS  FAYERWEATHER, 
AT  BOSTON 

New  Jersey.    Fort  Constitution 
Sept.  23,  1776. 

I  know  you  must  be  anxious  for  the  certainty  of  events 
of  which  you  can  have  at  that  distance  but  a  confused 
account,  as  I  was  on  the  spot  will  endeavor  to  give  you 
as  Concise  &  Just  account  as  possible ;  on  the  15th  Inst 
we  evacuated  New  York  &  took  all  stores  of  every  kind 
out  of  the  City,  and  took  Possession  of  the  hights  of 
Haerlem  eight  miles  from  the  City,  the  Enemy  encamp'd 
about  two  miles  from  us;  on  the  16th  the  Enemy  ad- 
vanced and  took  Possession  of  a  hight  on  our  Right 
Flank  ab*  half  a  mile  Distance  with  about  3000  men,  a 
Party  from  our  Brigade  of  150  men  who  turned  out  as 
Volunteers  under  the  command  of  Lieut.  Col°  Crary  of 
the  Regm*  I  belong  to  were  ordered  out  if  possible  to  dis- 
possess them,  in  about  20  minutes  the  Engagement  began 
with  as  terrible  a  fire  as  ever  I  heard,  when  Orders  came 
for  the  whole  Brigade  immediately  to  march  to  support 
the  first  detachment,  the  Brigade  Consisted  of  aV  900 
men,  we  immediately  formed  in  front  of  the  Enemy  and 
march'd  up  in  good  order  through  their  fire,  which  was 
incessant  till  within  70  yards,  when  we  Engaged  them  in 
that  situation,  we  engaged  them  for  one  hour  and  eight 
minits,  when  the  Enemy  Broke  &  Ran,  we  pursued  them 
to  the  next  hights,  when  we  were  ordered  to  Retreat. 
Our  loss  does  not  exceed  in  killed  and  wounded  twenty 
five  men,  the  loss  of  the  Enemy  was  very  considerable 
but  cannot  be  ascertained,  as  we  observed  them  to  carry 


151 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


of  their  dead  and  wounded  the  whole  time  of  the  Engage- 
ment, they  left  a  Number  of  killed  and  wounded  on  the 
Field  of  Battle  &  a  great  number  of  small  Armes,  the 
great  Superiority  of  Numbers  and  every  other  advantage 
the  Enemy  had,  when  considered,  makes  the  Victory 
Glorious,  and  tho'  but  over  a  part  of  their  Army  yet 
the  Consequences  of  it  are  attended  with  advantages 
very  great,  as  they  immediately  quited  the  hights  all 
round  us  and  have  not  been  troublesome  since,  our  people 
behaved  with  the  greatest  Spirit,  and  the  New  England 
men  have  gained  the  first  Lawrells.  I  received  a  slight 
wound  in  the  Anckle  at  the  first  of  the  Engagement  but 
never  quited  the  Field  during  the  Engagement.  I'm  now 
Ready  to  give  them  the  second  part  whenever  they  have 
an  appetite,  as  I'm  convinced  whenever  [they]  stir  from 
their  Ships  we  shall  drubb  them. 

[N.  E.  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  XXX.,  334.] 


No.  17 

EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  FROM  AN  OFFICER  IN  OUR  ARMY 
TO  HIS  FRIEND  IN  THIS  TOWN  [NEW  LONDON,  CONN.] 
DATED  NEW  HARLEM,  SEPT.  21,  1776.1 

Last  Monday  the  Enemy  landed  at  New  York,  under 
Cover  of  their  Shipping,  when  our  whole  Army  retreated 
to  this  Place.  As  for  myself  I  was  out  on  a  scouting 
Party  as  far  as  Hunt's  Point  —  and  on  hearing  the  Cannon 
I  immediately  returned  to  the  Regiment  of  Rangers,  but 
too  late  to  go  into  the  City  —  Well,  on  Monday  Morning 

1  The  officer  was  probably  Captain  Stephen  Brown,  of  Durkee's 
Conn.  Regt.,  serving  with  the  Rangers. 


AUTHORITIES 


155 


the  General  ordered  us  to  go  and  take  the  Enemy's  ad- 
vanced Guard;  accordingly  we  set  out  just  before  Day, 
and  found  where  they  were ;  at  Day-brake  we  were  dis- 
covered by  the  Enemy,  who  were  400  strong,  and  we  were 
120  —  they  march'd  up  within  six  Rods  of  us,  and  there 
form'd  to  give  us  Battle  which  we  were  ready  for;  and 
Colonel  Knowlton  gave  Orders  to  fire,  which  we  did,  and 
stood  theirs  till  we  perceived  they  were  getting  their 
Flank-Guards  round  us.  After  giving  them  eight  Rounds 
a  Piece  the  Colonel  gave  Orders  for  Retreating,  which  we 
performed  very  well,  without  the  Loss  of  a  Man  while 
Retreating,  though  we  lost  about  10  while  in  Action. 
We  retreated  two  Miles  and  a  Half  and  then  made  a 
Stand,  and  sent  off  for  a  Reinforcement,  which  we  soon 
received,  and  drove  the  Dogs  near  three  Miles.  —  My 
poor  Colonel,  in  the  second  Attack,  was  shot  just  by  my 
Side,  the  Ball  entered  the  small  of  his  Back  —  I  took 
hold  of  him,  asked  him  if  he  was  badly  wounded?  he 
told  me  he  was ;  but,  says  he,  I  do  not  value  my  Life  if 
we  do  but  get  the  Day :  I  then  ordered  two  Men  to  carry 
him  off.  He  desired  me  by  all  Means  to  keep  up  this 
Flank.  He  seemed  as  unconcern'd  and  calm  as  tho' 
nothing  had  happened  to  him.  In  the  Spot  where  the 
Colonel  was  wounded,  at  least  within  4  Rods  round  him, 
lay  15  or  16  of  the  Enemy  dead,  with  5  or  6  of  our 
People.  Several  Deserters  say  we  made  great  Havock 
among  them.  The  next  Day  we  went  to  bury  our  Dead, 
and  found  near  a  Dozen  with  their  Heads  split  open  by 
the  Hessians. 

[Connecticut  Gazette,  Sept.  27, 1776.] 


156 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


No.  18 

EXTRACT  OF  A  LETTER  TO  A  GENTLEMAN  IN  ANNAPOLIS, 
DATED  HEADQUARTERS,  SEPT.  17,  1776. 

We  are  now  encamped  between  York  and  King's  Bridge, 
on  very  advantageous  heights,  and  have  formed  our  lines 
from  the  North  River  to  a  Creek  that  makes  out  of  the 
East  River,  running  up  to  King's  Bridge. 

Soon  after  we  came  to  New  York,  there  was  a  council 
held  by  the  General  Officers,  and  the  question  was  put, 
whether  New  York  was  tenable  against  the  King's  forces. 
It  was  carried  in  the  negative. 

Three  days  ago  the  whole  of  our  troops  evacuated  New 
York;  and  the  day  before  yesterday  the  Kings  troops 
landed  about  three  miles  below  this,  where  there  were  two 
brigades  stationed,  who  abandoned  their  posts  with  precipi- 
tation. 

Yesterday  morning  the  Regulars  came  within  half  a  mile 
of  our  lines,  and  made  a  stand.  A  few  of  our  scouts,  who 
were  out,  attacked  and  drove  them  off.  In  two  hours  after, 
two  thousand  of  them  returned.  Gen.  Beall  sent  out  three 
companies  of  Riflemen,  under  the  command  of  Major 
Mantz,  who  attacked  them.  Immediately  Gen.  Washing- 
ton reinforced  with  the  remainder  of  our  brigade,  together 
with  Gen.  Weedon's  regiment  from  Virginia,  Major  Price's 
three  independent  companies,  and  one  regiment  of  Rhode 
Islanders.  Never  did  troops  go  to  the  field  with  more 
cheerfulness  and  alacrity ;  when  there  began  a  heavy  fire 
on  both  sides.  It  continued  about  one  hour,  when  our 
brave  Southern  troops  dislodged  them  from  their  posts. 
The  enemy  rallied,  and  our  men  beat  them  the  second 
time.    They  rallied  again;  our  troops  drove  them  the 


AUTHORITIES 


157 


third  time,  and  were  rushing  on  them,  but  the  enemy  had 
got  on  an  eminence,  and  our  troops  were  ordered  to  retreat, 
the  General  considering  there  might  be  a  large  number  of 
the  enemy  behind  the  hill  concealed ;  which  was  the  case. 
We  were  informed  by  a  prisoner  that  our  men  took,  there 
were  about  eight  or  ten  thousand  concealed. 

From  the  number  of  the  enemy  that  I  saw  lay  on  the 
field  dead  and  wounded,  I  think  their  loss  must  be  three 
or  four  times  ours.  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  get  a  full 
account  of  our  loss,  only  of  our  brigade,  which  is  as  fol- 
lows :  Capt.  Low  wounded  through  both  his  thighs. 
Twelve  privates  wounded,  and  three  missing.  Major 
Leitch,  of  Col.  Weedon's  regiment  received  three  balls 
through  his  belly.  More  is  the  pity,  for  never  was  a 
braver  hero.  He  stood  the  field,  with  the  greatest  bravery, 
till  the  third  shot,  when  he  was  obliged  to  fall.  He  ap- 
pears to  be  in  good  spirits.  The  Doctors  are  of  opinion 
that  he  will  recover.  Col.  Knowlton  from  Boston,  killed 
ill  the  field  who  distinguished  himself  at  Bunker's  Hill, 
as  well  as  in  this  engagement.  He  will  be  interred  to-day 
with  all  the  honours  of  war. 

From  our  present  situation,  it  is  firmly  my  opinion  we 
shall  give  them  a  genteel  drubbing,  in  case  the  Yankees 
will  fight  with  as  much  spirit  as  the  Southern  troops.  As 
near  as  I  can  collect,  our  loss,  killed,  and  wounded,  and 
taken,  amounts  to  fifty  men.  We  expect  every  hour  that 
the  general  engagement  will  come  on ;  and  if  we  prove 
successful,  the  campaign  will  be  settled  for  this  present 
year.  Gen.  Washington  gave  great  applause  to  our 
Maryland  troops,  for  their  gallant  behaviour  yesterday. 

[Force's  American  Archives,  Fifth  Series,  Vol.  III.] 


158 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


No.  19 

COLONEL  SMALL  WOOD  TO  THE  CONVENTION  OF  MARYLAND 

Camp  of  the  Maryland  Regulars, 
Head-Quarters,  Oct.  12,  1776. 

General  Washington  [Sept.  15]  expressly  sent  and  drew 
our  regiment  from  its  brigade,  to  march  down  towards 
New  York,  to  cover  the  retreat,  and  to  defend  the  baggage, 
with  direction  to  take  possession  of  an  advantageous  emi- 
nence near  the  enemy,  upon  the  main  road,  where  we  re- 
mained under  arms  the  best  part  of  the  day,  till  Sargent's 
brigade  came  in  with  their  baggage,  who  were  the  last 
troops  coming  in,  upon  which  the  enemy  divided  their 
main  body  into  two  columns,  one  filing  off  on  the  North 
River,  endeavoured  to  flank  and  surround  us ;  we  liad 
orders  to  retreat  in  good  order,  which  was  done,  our  corps 
getting  within  the  lines  a  little  after  dusk. 

The  next  day,  about  1000  of  them  made  an  attempt 
upon  our  lines,  and  were  first  attacked  by  the  brave  Col. 
Knowlton  of  New  England,  who  lost  his  life  in  the 
action,  and  the  Third  Virginia  Regiment,  who  were 
immediately  joined  by  three  independent  companies  under 
Major  Price,  and  some  part  of  the  Maryland  Flying  Camp, 
who  drove  them  back  to  their  lines,  it  is  supposed  with 
the  loss  of  400  men  killed  and  wounded  ;  our  party  had 
about  100  killed  and  wounded,  of  the  former  only  15. 
Since  which  we  have  been  viewing  each  other  at  a  distance, 
and  strongly  entrenching  till  the  9th  of  October,  when  three 
of  their  men-of-war  passed  up  the  North  river  above  King's 
Bridge,  under  a  heavy  cannonade  from  our  batteries,  which 
has  effectually  cut  off  our  communication,  by  water,  with 
Albany. 

[Ridgeley's  Annals  of  Annapolis,  p.  261.] 


AUTHORITIES 


159 


No.  20 

CAPT.  BEATTY  OF  THE  MARYLAND  FLYING  CAMP,  TO  HIS 
FATHER  COL.  WILLIAM  BEATTY,  FREDRICKTOWN 

Camp  near  Kings  Bridge,  Sept.'  IS^^  1776. 

I  have  sometlaing  worth  telling  you  of  what  happened 
this  week.  Last  Sunday  the  Enemy  landed  about  3  miles 
below  us,  and  at  the  sight  of  150  of  them  one  brigade 
&  a  half  of  New  England  troops  ran  away  in  the  most 
precipitated  manner  &  chief  of  them  lost  their  baggage ; 
if  they  had  stood  their  ground  they  might  have  cut  them 
off.  But  by  their  landing  they  surrounded  many  of  our 
troops  in  York  which  had  no  time  to  get  out  But  they 
have  a  strong  fort  near  New  York  where  they  are  &  have 
3  months  provision  &  ammunition  a  plenty,  &  the  com- 
mander declares  that  he  will  not  surrender  while  he  has 
either.  On  Monday  last  the  enemy  thought  to  drive  our 
troops  farther,  sallyed  out  &  were  attact  by  Major 
Mantz  with  the  3  rifle  companys  of  our  battalion  under 
his  command  and  Major  Price  with  3  of  the  independent 
companys  of  Maryland  troops  &  3  other  companys  of 
Maryland  Flying  Camp  &  a  battalion  of  Virginians  & 
some  Northern  troops  the  attack  was  very  sharp  on  both 
sides  for  one  hour  &  a  half  &  then  the  enemy  re- 
treated one  mile  &  a  half  to  their  lines — In  all  the 
action  we  lost  but  about  20  men  killed  &  about  as  many 
wounded  —  among  the  dead  is  one  Colonel  of  the  North- 
ern troops.  The  men  all  behaved  with  much  bravery. 
In  Capt  Goods  company  there  was  but  two  men  wounded, 
Capt  Reynolds  one,  Capt  Grooh  two,  one  of  which  is  the 
blind  Cuppers  son  in  Fredktown.  The  other  learnt  the 
hatters  trade  with  Major  Price,  his  wound  is  in  the 


IGO 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


breast,  the  other  on  the  back  of  his  arm  above  the  joint 
of  his  wrist  &  so  down  to  his  fingers,  the  bone  is  not 
broke  Our  Company  lay  out  from  our  tents  from  Sun- 
day morning  till  Tuesday  night 

[Historical  Magazine,  Second  Series,  I.,  147.] 


No.  21 

SAMUEL  CHASE  TO  GEN.  GATES 

Philadelphia,  September  21,  1776. 
On  this  Day  Week  the  Enemy  landed  a  Body  of  forces 
at  Turtle  Bay  (after  a  severe  Cannonade  from  their  Ships 
in  the  East  River  to  scour  the  Country  and  cover  their 
Landing)  our  Troops  posted  in  Lines  thrown  up  to  oppose 
their  Landing  abandoned  them  at  the  first  appearance  of 
the  Enemy,  in  the  utmost  precipitation  and  Confusion: 
Two  Brigades,  commanded  by  Generals  Parsons  and 
Fellows,  were  ordered  to  support  them,  they  also  fled  in 
every  Direction,  without  firing  a  single  Shot,  notwithstand- 
ing the  Exertions  of  their  Generals  to  form  them,  and 
oh,  disgraceful,  on  the  appearance  of  only  about  sixty  or 
seventy  of  the  Enemy !  by  this  infamous  Conduct  We 
lost  a  great  part  of  our  Baggage  and  most  of  our  heavy 
Cannon  which  had  been  left  at  N  York  —  our  army  re- 
treated, and  possessed  themselves  of  the  Heights  of  Har- 
lem ;  our  Headquarters  at  Roger  Morris's  house.  On 
Monday  last  the  Enemy  appeared  in  the  plains,  2^  Miles 
from  the  Heights,  about  400  under  General  Leslie  A 
Skirmish  began  between  them  and  a  Party  of  Volunteers 
from  several  New  England  regiments  commanded  by  CoP 
Knolton.   our  People  were  supported  by  Companies  from  a 


AUTHORITIES 


161 


Virginia  Battalion  and  from  two  Militia  Maryland  Regi- 
ments. The  Enemy  were  obliged  to  retreat,  with  the 
Loss  of  about  100  killed  and  prisoners  —  CoP  Knolton,  a 
brave  officer,  was  killed.  Major  Leitch  of  May*^  was 
wounded  and  despaired  of.  The  Enemies  main  Army  is 
now  encamped  between  7  and  8  Miles  Stones.  General 
Howe's  Head  Quarters  at  one  M'  Apthorp's.^ 

[Gates  Papers,  N.  Y.  Historical  Society.] 


No.  22 

Washington's  general  orders 

Headquarters,  16*^  September,  1776. 

(Parole,  Beall)  (Countersign,  Maryland) 

The  arrangement  for  this  Night  upon  the  heights  com- 
manding the  hollow  way  from  the  North  River  to  the 
Main  Road  leading  from  New  York  to  Kingsbridge. 
Gen.  Clinton  to  form  next  to  the  North  River,  and  extend 
to  the  left.  Gen.  Scott's  Brigade  next  to  Gen.  Clinton's. 
Lieut.  Col.  Sayer  of  Col.  Griffith's  Regiment,  with  the  three 
Companies  intended  for  a  reinforcement  to  day  to  form  upon 
the  left  of  Scott's  Brigade.  Gen.  Nixon's  &  Col.  Sergeants 
Division,  Col.  Weedon's  &  Major  Price's  Regiments,  are 
to  retire  to  their  Quarters  and  refresh  themselves,  but  to 
hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  turn  out  at  a  minutes 
warning.  Gen.  McDougall  to  establish  proper  Guards 
against  his  Brigade  upon  the  heights  from  Morris's  House, 
to  Gen.  McDougalls  Camp,  to  furnish  proper  Guards  to 
prevent  a  surprise,  not  less  than  twenty  ^Nlen  from  each 

^  Chase  wrote  from  Philadelphia,  giving  the  news  as  received  there 
from  Washington.    See  Document  No.  4,  and  note,  as  to  Apthorp's. 

M 


162 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


Regiment,  Gen.  Putnam  commands  upon  the  right  flank 
to  Night,  Gen.  Spencer  from  McDougall's  Brigade  up  to 
Morris's  House.  Should  the  Enemy  attempt  to  force  the 
pass  to-Night,  Gen.  Putnam  is  to  apply  to  Gen.  Spencer 
for  a  reinforcement. 

Headquarters,  Sept.  17,  1776. 
(Parole,  Leitch)  (Countersign,  Virginia) 

The  General  most  heartily  thanks  the  Troops  com- 
manded yesterday  by  Major  Leitch,  who  first  advanced  on 
the  Enem3%  and  the  others  who  so  resolutely  supported 
them;  the  Behaviour  Yesterday  is  such  a  Contrast  to  that 
of  some  Troops  the  day  before,  as  must  shew  what  may  be 
done  where  Officers  and  Soldiers  will  exert  themselves. 
Once  more  therefore  the  General  calls  upon  Officers  and 
Men  to  act  up  to  the  Noble  Cause  in  which  they  are 
engaged,  and  support  the  Honour  and  Liberties  of  their 
Country. 

The  Gallant  and  brave  Col.  Knowlton  who  was  an 
Honour  to  any  Country,  having  fallen  yesterday  while 
gallantly  fighting,  Capt.  Brown  is  to  take  the  Command 
of  the  Party  lately  Commanded  by  Col.  Knowlton ;  Officers 
&  Men  are  to  obey  him  accordingly. 

The  loss  of  the  Enemy  yesterday  undoubtedly  would 
have  been  much  greater,  if  the  orders  of  the  Commander 
in  Chief  had  not  in  some  instance  been  contradicted  by 
some  inferior  Officers,  who,  however  well  the}^  may  mean, 
ought  not  to  presume  to  direct.  It  is  therefore  Ordered 
that  no  Officer  Commanding  a  Party,  and  having  received 
Orders  from  the  Commander  in  Chief,  depart  from  them 
without  Counter  Orders  from  the  same  Authority,  and  as 
many  may  otherwise  err  thro'  ignorance,  the  Army  is  now 
acquainted  that  the  General  Orders  are  delivered  by  the 


AUTHORITIES 


103 


Adjutant  General,  one  of  the  Aid  de  Camps,  Mr  Tilgh- 
man,  or  Col.  Moylan  the  Quartermaster  General. 

[MS.  Orderly  Book,  McDougall's  Brigade,  N.  Y.  Historical  Society.] 


No.  23 

EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  MS.  LITERARY  DIARY  AND  JOUR- 
NAL OF  OCCURRENCES  KEPT  BY  DR.  STILES,  IN  POS- 
SESSION OF  YALE  UNIVERSITY 

Nov,  10,  1776.  General  Greene's  letter  4th  October 
speaking  of  the  Enemy's  Landing  near  Turtle  Bay  &  tak'g 
possess"  of  the  City  of  N.  Y.  15th  Sept^  "  The  Panic  that 
struck  Gen.  Fellows's  &  communicated  itself  to  Gen.  Par- 
sons' Brigade  disgraced  the  last  Retreat.  The  2  Brigades 
run  away  from  about  40  or  fifty  men,  and  left  Gen^  Wash- 
ington standing  alone  within  an  hundred  yards  of  the 
Enemy.  This  disagreeable  circumstance  made  the  last 
Retreat  very  disgraceful.  The  Enemy  next  day  at  Har- 
lem Heights,  flushed  with  the  successes  of  the  day  before 
approached  and  attacked  our  Lines,  where  I  had  the  honor 
to  command.  The  action  or  rather  skirmish  lasted  about 
two  hours :  our  people  beat  the  Enemy  off  the  Ground. 
Col.  Varnum  &  Col.  Hitchcocks  Reg'  behaved  exceedingly 
spirited  and  all  the  officers  that  were  with  the  Regiments. 
The  Colonels  were  both  absent.  Had  all  the  Colonies 
good  officers,  there  is  no  danger  of  the  Troops :  never  was 
Troops  that  would  stand  in  the  Field  longer  than  the  Ameri- 
can Soldiery.  If  the  officers  were  as  good  as  the  men  and  had 
only  a  few  months  to  form  the  troops  by  Discipline,  Amer- 
ica might  bid  defiance  to  the  whole  World.    Gen.  Put- 


164 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


nam  and  the  Adjt.  General  were  in  the  Action  and  behaved 
nobly." 

End  of  G.  Green's  Lett. 
********** 

Sept.  27,  1776.  Last  evening  a  Post  came  into  Taunton 
—  a  letter  from  Lt.  Ephraim  Grossman  to  his  father,  dated 
N.  York  almost  to  King's  bridge,  Sept.  17.  .  .  .  "  They 
attacked  us  next  day  (I  suppose  Monday  16  Sept.)  and  I 
turned  out  volunteer  and  followed  them  and  we  won  the 
ground^  drove  them  till  they  brought  their  ships  to  hear  on 
us,  and  the  grape  shot  flew  thick  eno'  for  once." 

Gen.  Putnam  &  Gen.  Greene  commanded  in  the  Action 
with  about  15  to  eighteen  hundred  men,  the  Enemy  having 
in  the  Action  from  30  to  4500,  Gen.  Clinton  &  Gen.  Mifflin 
were  present  in  the  Action  as  spectators.  Gen.  Clinton 
said  he  was  ordered  next  day  to  bury  the  dead  left  on  the 
field  and  buried  78  of  the  Enemy,  the  most  of  which  fell 
in  the  Buckwheat  Field.  He  judged  we  lost  120  killed  & 
wounded  —  the  Enemy  400  killed  besides  wounded :  but 
phaps  more  probably  less.  Mr  Hobart  saw  one  who 
escaped  from  Harlem  who  told  him  that  he  counted  190 
wounded  of  the  Enemy  in  one  bam  &  110  in  another,  so 
300  wounded  &  this  not  all.  On  the  whole  we  fought 
well  in  this  action. 

Oct.  9. 1776.  Major  Lamb  of  N.  Y.  is  just  returned  from 
his  Captivity  *  *  *  He  also  told  me  that  an  officer  came 
on  board  on  Lds'dy  Evening  (15  Sept)  damming  the 
Yankees  for  runaway  cowards  &  storming  that  there  was 
no  chance  to  fight  &  get  honor  &  rise  —  he  was  in  the 
Monday  Action  also  &  came  again  on  board  O  Evening 
cursing  &  damming  the  War,  saying  he  had  found  the 
Americans  would  fight  &  that  it  would  be  impossible  to 
conquer  them. 

[  From  Jay  Pamphlet.] 


AUTHORITIES 


165 


No.  24 

WILLIAM  ELLERY  TO  NICHOLAS  COOKE,  GOVERNOR  OF 
RHODE  ISLAND 

Philadelphia  Oct'  IV^  1776. 

I  saw  General  Mifflin  lately,  and  he  informed  that  in  the 
fight  the  day  after  the  enemy  took  possession  of  New  York, 
by  the  best  accounts  he  could  get,  and  from  the  appearance 
of  the  field  of  battle,  they  lost  between  four  and  five 
hundred  killed  and  wounded ;  and  that  we  lost  about  one 
hundred  killed  and  wounded.  In  the  first  part  of  this 
account  Jared  Hopkins,  son  of  the  minister  in  Newport, 
who  saw  the  fight,  agrees  with  the  General,  but  says,  that 
he  saw  our  killed  and  wounded,  and  that  they  were  much 
short  of  that  number.  They  both,  too,  agree  that  some  of 
our  men  who  had  behaved  shamefully  the  day  before 
fought  gallantly  there,  and  that  with  equal  numbers  we 
drove  the  enemy  from  the  field.  I  believe  they  think  the 
Americans  will  fight  notwithstanding  we  have  retreated 
and  retreated. 

General  Washington,  as  I  am  told,  played  off  a  pretty 
manoeuvre  the  other  day.  Determined  to  remove  the  grain 
and  the  furniture  of  the  houses  from  Harlem,  he  drew  out 
into  the  field  a  party  of  seventeen  hundred.  The  enemy 
turned  out  as  many.  They  approached  within  three 
hundred  yards  and  looked  at  each  other.  While  they 
were  thus  opposed  front  to  front,  our  wagons  carried  off 
the  grain  and  furniture.  When  this  was  accomplished, 
both  parties  retired  within  their  lines.  It  is  said  that  our 
men  preserved  very  good  faces.  It  would  be  of  use  to 
draw  out  our  men  in  battle  array  frequently,  to  let  them 


166  BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 

look  the  enemy  in  the  face,  and  have  frequent  skirmishes 
with  them. 

[Force's  American  Archives,  Fifth  Series,  Vol.  UI.] 

No.  25 

EXTRACT   OP   A  LETTER   FROM   HARLEM,  DATED   OCT.  3 

Yesterday  morning  eleven  hundred  men  were  ordered 
to  parade  at  daylight,  to  bring  off  the  corn,  hay  &c  which 
lay  on  Harlem  plains  between  the  enemy  and  us.  This 
property  has  lain  for  a  fortnight  past  unmolested,  both 
sides  looking  at  it,  and  laying  claim  to  it  until  to  day, 
when  it  was  brought  off  by  us.  A  covering  party  were 
within  musket  shot  of  the  enemy,  but  they  made  no  other 
movements  than  to  man  their  lines ;  and  three  thousand  of 
our  men  appearing,  struck  their  tents,  expecting  an  attack. 
Our  fatigue  party  finished  the  business,  and  not  a  single 
shot  was  fired.  These  plains  would  afford  an  excellent 
field  for  a  fight.  I  really  expected  an  action,  but  the 
enemy  declined  it. 

[Freeman's  Journal  or  N.  H.  Gazette,  Oct.  22,  1776,  Jay  Pamphlet.] 

No.  26 

PROM  Gordon's  history  of  the  American  war 

Sept.  16,  1776.  On  the  Monday  there  was  a  tolerable 
skirmish  between  two  battalions  of  light  infantry  and  high- 
landers,  and  three  companies  of  Hessian  riflemen  com- 
manded by  Brigadier  Leslie,  and  detachments  from  the 
American  army  under  the  command  of  lieut.  col.  Knolton 


AUTHORITIES 


167 


of  Connecticut  and  major  Leitch  of  Virginia.  The  colonel 
received  a  mortal  wound,  and  the  major  three  balls  through 
his  body,  but  is  likely  to  do  well.  Their  parties  behaved 
with  great  bravery,  and  being  supplied  with  fresh  troops, 
beat  the  enemy  fairly  from  the  field.  The  loss  of  the 
Americans,  except  in  col.  Knolton,  a  most  valuable  and 
gallant  officer,  was  inconsiderable ;  that  of  the  enemy 
between  80  and  100  wounded,  and  15  or  20  killed.  This 
little  advantage  inspirited  the  Americans  prodigiously. 
They  found  it  required  only  resolution  and  good  officers 
to  make  an  enemy  they  stood  too  much  in  dread  of,  give 
way.^  The  men  will  fight  if  led  on  by  good  officers,  and 
as  certainly  run  away  if  commanded  by  scoundrels.  Sun- 
day was  an  instance  of  the  last,  and  the  next  day  a  confir- 
mation of  the  first  assertion.  On  Sunday,  the  officers, 
instead  of  heading  and  leading  the  men  on  to  attack  the 
enemy  when  landing,  were  the  first  to  scamper  off. 


No.  27 

FROM  Marshall's  life  of  Washington 

Se2:ft.  15,  1776.  Having  taken  possession  of  New  York, 
Gen.  Howe  stationed  a  few  troops  in  the  town ;  and,  with 
the  main  body  of  his  army,  encamped  on  the  island,  near 
the  American  lines.  His  right  was  at  Horen's  Hook  on  the 
East  river,  and  his  left  reached  the  North  river  near 
Bloomingdale  ;  so  that  his  encampment  extended  quite 
across  the  island,  which  is,  in  this  place,  scarcely  two  miles 
wide  ;  and  both  his  flanks  were  covered  by  his  ships. 

The  strongest  point  of  the  American  lines  was  at  Kings- 

^  Gen.  Washington's  letter  to  Gen.  Gates. 


168 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


bridge,  both  sides  of  which  had  been  carefully  fortified. 
McGowan's  Pass  and  Morris's  Heights  were  also  occupied 
in  considerable  force,  and  rendered  capable  of  being  de- 
fended against  superior  numbers.  A  strong  detachment 
was  posted  in  an  entrenched  camp  on  the  heights  Ilaerlem 
within  about  a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  British  lines. 

The  present  position  of  the  armies  favoured  the  views  of 
the  American  General.  He  wished  to  habituate  his  sol- 
diers, by  a  series  of  successful  skirmishes,  to  meet  the 
enemy  in  the  field ;  and  he  persuaded  himself  that  his  de- 
tachments, knowing  a  strong  intrenched  camp  to  be  imme- 
diately in  their  rear,  would  engage  without  apprehension, 
would  soon  display  their  native  courage,  and  would  speedily 
regain  the  confidence  they  had  lost. 

Opportunities  to  make  the  experiments  he  wished  were 
soon  afforded.  The  day  after  the  retreat  from  New  York, 
the  British  appeared  (^Sept.  16)  in  considerable  force  in  the 
plains  between  the  two  camps;  and  the  General  imme- 
diately rode  to  his  advanced  posts,  in  order  to  make  in  person 
such  arrangements  as  this  movement  might  require.  Soon 
after  his  arrival,  Lieut  Col.  Knowlton  of  Connecticut, 
who,  at  the  head  of  a  corps  of  rangers,  had  been  skirmish- 
ing with  this  party,  came  in,  and  stated  their  numbers  on 
conjecture  at  about  300  men,  the  main  body  being  con- 
cealed in  a  wood. 

The  General  ordered  Col  Knowlton  with  his  rangers, 
and  Major  Leitch  with  three  companies  of  the  third  Vir- 
ginia regiment,  which  had  joined  the  army  only  the  pre- 
ceding day,  to  gain  their  rear,  while  he  amused  them  with 
the  appearance  of  making  dispositions  to  attack  their  front. 

This  plan  succeeded.  The  British  ran  eagerly  down 
a  hill,  in  order  to  possess  themselves  of  some  fences 
and  bushes,  which  presented  an  advantageous  position 


AUTHORITIES 


1G9 


against  the  party  expected  in  front;  and  a  firing  com- 
menced —  but  at  too  great  a  distance  to  do  any  execution. 
In  the  meantime  Colonel  Knowlton,  not  being  precisely 
acquainted  with  their  new  position,  made  his  attack  rather 
on  their  flank  than  rear,  and  a  warm  action  ensued. 

In  a  short  time,  Major  Leitch,  who  had  led  the  detach- 
ment with  great  intrepiditity,  was  brought  off  the  ground 
mortally  wounded,  having  received  three  balls  through 
his  body ;  and  soon  after  the  gallant  Colonel  Knowlton 
also  fell.  Not  discouraged  by  the  loss  of  their  field  officers, 
the  captains  maintained  their  ground,  and  continued  the 
action  with  great  animation.  The  British  were  reinforced ; 
and  General  Washington  ordered  some  detachments  from 
the  adjacent  regiments  of  New  England  and  Maryland,  to 
the  support  of  the  Americans.  Thus  reinforced,  they 
made  a  gallant  charge,  drove  the  enemy  out  of  the  wood 
into  the  plain,  and  were  pressing  him  still  farther,  when 
the  General,  content  with  the  present  advantage,  called 
back  his  troops  to  their  intrenchments.^ 

In  this  sharp  conflict,  the  loss  of  the  Americans,  in 
killed  and  wounded,  did  not  exceed  fifty  men.  The 
British  lost  more  than  double  that  number.  But  the  real 
importance  of  the  affair  was  derived  from  its  operation  on 
the  spirits  of  the  whole  army.  It  was  the  first  success 
they  had  obtained  during  this  campaign ;  and  its  influence 
was  very  discernible.  To  give  it  the  more  effect,  the  pa- 
role next  day  was  Leitch ;  and  the  General  in  his  orders 
publicly  thanked  the  troops  under  the  command  of  that 
officer,  who  had  first  advanced  on  the  enemy,  and  the  others 
who  had  so  resolutel}^  supported  them.    He  contrasted 

1  The  author  received  the  account  of  this  skirmish  from  the  Colonel 
of  the  third  Virginia  regiment,  and  from  the  Captains  commanding  the 
companies  that  were  engaged. 


170 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


their  conduct  with  that  which  had  been  exhibited  the  day 
before :  and  the  result,  he  said  evidenced  what  might  be 
done  where  officers  and  soldiers  would  exert  themselves. 
Once  more,  therefore,  he  called  upon  them  so  to  act,  as  not 
to  disgrace  the  noble  cause  in  which  they  were  engaged. 
He  appointed  a  successor  to  "the  gallant  and  brave 
Colonel  Knowlton  who  would,"  he  said,  "  have  been  an 
honour  to  any  country,  and  who  had  fallen  gloriously, 
fighting  at  his  post." 

No.  28 

FROM  GENERAL  HEATH's  MEMOIRS 

Sept.  15*\  About  noon,  the  British  landed  at  Kepps's 
Bay.  They  met  with  but  small  resistance,  and  pushed 
towards  the  city,  of  which  they  took  possession  in  the 
afternoon.  They  availed  themselves  of  some  cannon  and 
stores;  but  their  booty  was  not  very  great.  Here  the 
Americans,  we  are  sorry  to  say,  did  not  behave  well ;  and 
here  it  was,  as  fame  hath  said,  that  Gen.  Washington  threw 
his  hat  on  the  ground,  and  exclaimed,  "  Are  these  the  men 
with  which  I  am  to  defend  America  ?  "  But  several  things 
may  have  weight  here ;  —  the  wounds  received  on  Long- 
Island  were  yet  bleeding ;  and  the  officers,  if  not  the  men, 
knew  that  the  city  was -not  to  be  defended.  Maj.  Chap- 
man was  killed,  and  Brig.  Maj.  Wyllis  was  taken  prisoner. 
A  few  others  were  killed,  wounded,  and  taken  prisoners. 
The  Americans  retreated  up  the  island;  and  some  few, 
who  could  not  get  out  of  the  city  that  way,  escaped  in 
boats  over  to  Paulus  Hook,  across  the  river.  The  house, 
in  the  fort  at  Horn's  Hook,  was  set  on  fire  by  a  shell,  and 
burnt  down.    The  fort  was  afterwards  abandoned. 

Sept.  16'\    A  little  before  noon,  a  smart  skirmish  hap- 


AUTHORITIES 


171 


pened  on  the  heights  west  of  Haerlem  Plain,  and  south  of 
Morris's  house,  between  a  party  of  Hessian  Yagers,  British 
Light-Infantry  and  Highlanders,  and  the  American  rifle- 
men and  some  other  troops,  which  ended  in  favour  of  the 
latter.  The  troops  fought  well,  on  both  sides,  and  gave 
great  proof  of  their  markmanship.  The  Americans  had 
several  officers  killed  and  wounded;  among  the  former, 
Lieut.  Col.  Knoulton,  of  the  Connecticut  line,  and  Capt. 
Gleason,  of  Nixon's  Massachusetts  regiment,  two  excel- 
lent officers ;  and  Maj.  Leech,  of  one  of  the  southern 
regiments,  a  brave  officer,  was  among  the  latter.  This 
skirmish  might  have  brought  on  a  general  action ;  for  both 
armies  were  then  within  supporting  distance  of  the  troops 
which  were  engaged. 


No.  29 

COLONEL  DAVID  GRIFFITHS,  OF  MARYLAND,  TO  MAJOR 
LEVEN  POWEL,  LOUDON  CO.,  VIRGINIA 

Camp  on  Harlem  Heights,  18*^  September,  1776. 
Our  Rangers  and  Riflemen  pretty  far  advanced  in  our 
front  in  ground  very  hilly  and  covered  with  wood  were 
informed  of  the  Enemy's  motions  by  the  Scouts  and 
bravely  advanced  to  meet  them.  A  very  smart  action 
ensued  in  the  true  Bush-fighting  way  in  which  our  Troops 
behaved  in  a  manner  that  does  them  the  highest  Honor. 
After  keeping  a  very  heavy  fire  on  both  sides  for  near 
three  hours  they  drove  the  enemy  to  their  main  Body  and 
then  were  prudently  ordered  to  retreat  for  fear  of  being 
drawn  into  an  ambuscade.  The  3*^  Virg*  Reg'  [Weedon's] 
was  ordered  out  at  the  Beginning  to  maintain  a  particular 
post  in  front  and  Major  Leitch  was  detached  with  the  3 
Rifle  Companies  to  flank  the  Enemy.    He  conducted  him- 


172 


BATTLE  OF  IIAllLEM  HEIGHTS 


self  on  this  occasion  in  a  manner  that  does  him  the  great- 
est Honor  and  so  did  all  his  Party,  till  he  received  two 
balls  in  his  Belly  and  one  in  his  hip,  which  though  very 
dangerous  will  not,  I  am  in  great  Hopes,  prove  fatal.  I 
have  much  reason  to  think  his  Bowels  are  unhurt  —  he  is 
free  from  all  Bad  symptoms  and  is  in  great  spirits  and  has 
a  good  appetite.  We  had  3  men  killed  and  ten  wounded. 
The  Loudon  Company  suffered  most  —  the  Captain  be- 
haved nobly.  Our  whole  loss  is  not  yet  ascertained.  The 
wounded  are  not  more  than  40.  Coll.  Noleton  of  the  N.  E. 
Rangers  is  the  only  officer  killed.  .  .  .  Our  Battalion 
(after  the  Riflemen  were  detached)  were  attacked  in  open 
field  which  they  drove  off  and  forced  them  down  a  Hill. 
The  Maryland  and  Virginia  troops  were  principally  en- 
gaged and  have  received  the  Gen^*  thanks.  I  must  men- 
tion that  the  two  Yankee  Reg'*  who  ran  on  Sunday  fought 
tollerably  well  on  Monday  and  in  some  measure  retrieved 
their  reputation.  This  affair,  tho'  not  great  in  itself,  is  of 
consequence  as  it  gives  spirits  to  the  army,  which  they 
wanted.  Indeed  the  confusion  was  such  on  Sunday  that 
everybody  looked  dispirited.  At  present  everything  wears 
a  different  face. 

[Lossing's  Historical  Record,  Vol.  H.,  p.  260.] 


No.  30 

LIEUTENANT  JOSEPH  HODGKINS,  OF  LITTLE^S  MASS. 
REGT.,  TO  HIS  WIFE  AT  IPSWICH 

In  Camp  at  Fort  Constitution, 
New  Jersey,  Sept.  ye  30,  1776. 

My  JDear^ 

We  have  had  Experience  of  gods  goodness  to  us  in 
Preserving  us  in  Battle  and  Carrying  us  through  many 


AUTHORITIES 


173 


defilties  Since  I  wrote  my  last:  of  which  I  shall  give 
you  a  short  account,  viz. :  on  Sartaday  ye  14  instant  we 
moved  to  Harlem,  and  incamped  on  an  Hill  about  nine 
miles  from  York,  and  about  12  o'clock  that  night  we 
whare  alarmed  and  marched  about  one  mile,  and  thence 
Took  Post  and  staid  Till  Sun  Rise,  then  we  marched 
home.  We  had  not  got  Brakfast  Before  there  whas  a  very 
heavy  Cannonading  at  the  Sitty,  and  we  whar  told  that 
the  Enemy  whas  about  Landing  Down  to  Harlem  Point, 
whare  we  Expected  they  would  Land  By  there  motions. 
But  while  our  Brigade  with  two  more  whas  wating  there : 
they  Landed  at  a  place  called  Turtal  Bay  3  or  4  miles 
nearer  York,  and  there  whas  two  Brigades  there.  But 
they  Being  Chiefly  milisha  it  whas  said  that  Two  hundred 
of  the  Enemy  made  them  all  Run,  so  they  Landed  with- 
out much  Resistance  and  marched  towards  York  and 
Took  Possession  of  the  Sitty  about  4  o'clock  on  Sunday. 
Now  you  must  think  they  whare  in  high  spirits  and 
thought  all  whas  there  own :  so  on  Monday  morning  they 
thought  they  would  atack  us  with  about  six  thousand  men 
and  Drive  us  all  over  Kings  bridge.  But  thay  whare 
much  mistaken.  But  however  as  soon  as  we  heard  that 
thay  whare  advancing  towards  us,  the  General  sent  out 
200  Rangers  under  command  of  Coll.  Knolton  who  soon 
met  the  enemy  and  fired  on  them  and  fought  them  on  the 
Retreat,  till  thay  got  Prety  near  us,  then  the  Enemy 
Halted  Back  of  an  Hill,  Blode  a  french  Horn  which  whas 
for  a  Reinforcement,  and  as  soon  as  they  got  itt,  they 
Formed  in  to  two  Coloms :  But  our  Brigade  whas  Posted 
in  the  Edge  of  a  thick  Wood  and  By  some  climing  up  a 
Tree  could  see  the  Enemys  motion  and  while  they  whare 
aforming,  the  General  sent  a  Party  to  atack  them  which 
answered  the  End  for  which  they  whare  sent;  for  our 


174 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


People  made  the  atack  and  Retreated  towards  us  to  the 
Place  whare  we  whanted  them  to  come,  and  then  the 
Enemy  Rushed  Down  the  Hill  with  all  speed  to  a  Plain 
spot  of  ground,  then  our  Brigade  marched  out  of  the 
woods,  then  a  very  hot  Fire  Began  on  Both  sides,  and 
Lasted  for  upwards  of  an  hour,  then  the  Enemy  retreated 
up  the  Hill,  and  our  People  followed  them  and  fote  them 
near  an  hour  Longer  till  they  got  under  Cover  of  their 
ships,  which  whas  in  North  River,  then  our  People  Left  them. 

The  Loss  on  our  Side  is  about  40  Killed  and  60 :  or  70 
wounded.  There  was  none  Killed  in  our  Reg*,  and  about 
20  wounded.  One  of  our  Corp'ls  whas  Badly  wounded 
through  the  knees,  but  I  hope  he  will  due  well ;  the  Loss 
on  the  Enemys  side  is  not  sarting,  but  according  to  the 
Best  accounts  that  we  have  had,  they  had  near  500  killed 
and  near  as  many  wounded.  They  whare  seen  to  carry  off 
several  wagon  Loads  Besides  our  People  Burryed  a  good 
many  that  they  left.  We  whare  informed  by  two  Prisen- 
ers  that  they  had  not  the  ]\Iilisha  to  Deal  ^vith  at  this 
time.  They  said  that  the  Surgeon  swore  that  they 
had  no  milisha  to  Day.  This  was  the  first  Time  we  had 
any  chance  to  fite  them  and  I  doubt  not  if  we  should  have 
another  opportunity,  but  we  should  give  them  another 
Dressing. 

At  this  place  whare  we  incamped  whas  within  two  gun 
shots  of  the  Place  whare  the  Battle  whas,  for  we  whare 
always  kept  on  the  advanced  Post  next  to  the  enemy 
until  now ;  and  now  we  are  on  the  Jersey  Hills  where  we 
have  been  since  the  20  of  this  month ;  and  I  hope  we  shall 
stay  here  the  rest  of  the  Campan,  as  I  have  been  at  the 
Troble  of  Building  a  Log  House  with  a  ston  Chimney. 
Had  not  Lodged  on  any  thing  but  the  ground  since  we 
left  Long  Island. 


AUTHORITIES 


175 


Capt  Wade  has  been  sick  and  absent  from  me  ever  since 
the  13  Day  of  this  month,  and  has  this  moment  got  hear 
and  is  pretty  well  again. 

[Magazine  of  American  History,  Sept.  1882.] 


No.  31 

FKOM  THE  DIARY  OF  SOLOMON  E.  CLIFT 

A  party  from  the  enemy  attacked  the  Americans,  when 
a  battle  ensued,  and  continued  about  two  hours,  when  the 
enemy  gave  way,  and  were  pursued  about  two  miles.  In 
this  action,  the  brave  and  intrepid  Colonel  Knowlton  of 
Ashford,  in  Connecticut,  was  killed ;  and  it  is  said  Colonel 
Seldon,  of  Lyme,  is  among  the  slain.  The  loss  the  enemy 
sustained  is  said  to  have  been  very  considerable.  Our 
army  is  now  between  the  nine  and  ten  mile  stones  (Harlem) 
where  they  are  strongly  fortified  and  intrenched.  The 
enemy's  lines  are  about  one  mile  and  a  half  below  them. 
[Moore's  Diary  of  the  American  Revolution,  I.,  310.] 


No.  32 

LETTERS  FROM  LIEUT.-COLONEL  TILGHMAN,  AID  TO 
WASHINGTON 

Head  Quarters,  Harlem  Heights, 
Monday,  16  Sep^  1776. 

Our  Army  totally  evacuated  New  York  yesterday,  the 
Enemy  landed  a  party  of  about  3000  from  Appearance 
four  miles  above  the  City  where  they  encamped  last  Night. 
They  kept  up  a  very  heavy  fire  from  their  Ships  while 
their  Men  were  landing,  altho'  no  Body  opposed  them,  I 


176 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


imagine  they  did  it,  thinking  we  might  have  some  men  con- 
cealed behind  some  lines  on  the  Water  side.  We  removed 
everything  that  was  valuable,  some  heavy  cannon  excepted, 
before  we  left  the  Town.  Our  army  is  posted  as  advan- 
tageously as  possible  for  Security,  out  of  reach  of  the  Fire 
of  the  Ships  from  either  River ;  and  upon  high  Grounds  of 
difficult  Access.  .  .  . 

Head  Quarters  Col".  Morris's, 
19'^^  Sep^  1776. 

....  On  Monday  last  we  had  a  pretty  smart  skir- 
mish with  the  British  Troops  which  was  brought  on  in 
the  following  Manner.  The  General  rode  down  to  our 
farthest  Lines,  and  when  he  came  near  them  heard  a  firing 
which  he  was  informed  was  between  our  Scouts  and  the 
out  Guards  of  the  Enemy.  When  our  men  came  in  they 
informed  the  General  that  there  were  a  party  of  about 
300  behind  a  woody  hill,  tho'  they  only  showed  a  very 
small  party  to  us.  Upon  this  General  laid  a  plan  for 
attacking  them  in  the  Rear  and  cutting  off  their  Retreat 
which  was  to  be  effected  in  the  following  Manner.  Major 
Leitch  with  three  companies  of  Col°.  Weedons  Virginia 
Regiment,  and  Col"  Knowlton  with  his  Rangers  were  to 
steal  round  while  a  party  were  to  march  towards  them  and 
seem  as  if  they  intended  to  attack  in  front,  but  not  to 
make  any  real  Attack  till  they  saw  our  men  fairly  in  their 
Rear.  The  Bait  took  as  to  one  part,  as  soon  as  they  saw 
our  party  in  front  the  Enemy  ran  down  the  Hill  and  took 
possession  of  some  Fences  and  Bushes  and  began  to  fire 
at  them,  but  at  too  great  distance  to  do  much  execution : 
Unluckily  Col°.  Knowlton  and  Major  Leitch  began  their 
Attack  too  soon,  it  was  rather  in  Flank  than  in  Rear. 
The  Action  now  grew  warm.  Major  Leitch  was  wounded 
early  in  the  Engagement  and  Col°.  Knowlton  soon  after. 


AUTHORITIES 


177 


the  latter  mortally,  he  was  one  of  the  bravest  and  best 
officers  in  the  Army.  Their  Men  notwithstanding  per- 
sisted with  the  greatest  Bravery.  The  Gen^  finding  they 
wanted  support  ordered  over  part  of  Co\°,  Griffiths's  and 
part  of  CoP.  Richardson's  Maryland  Regiments,  these 
Troops  tho'  young  charged  with  as  much  Bravery  as  I  can 
conceive,  they  gave  two  fires  and  then  rushed  right  for- 
ward which  drove  the  enemy  from  the  wood  into  a  Buck- 
wheat field,  from  whence  they  retreated.  The  General 
fearing  (as  we  afterwards  found)  that  a  large  Body  was 
coming  up  to  support  them,  sent  me  over  to  bring  our 
Men  off.  They  gave  a  Hurra  and  left  the  Field  in  good 
Order.  We  had  about  40  wounded  and  a  very  few  killed. 
A  Serjeant  who  deserted  says  their  Accounts  were  89 
wounded  and  8  killed,  but  in  the  latter  he  is  mistaken  for 
we  have  buried  more  than  double  that  Number  —  We  find 
their  force  was  much  more  considerable  than  we  imagined 
when  the  General  ordered  the  Attack.  It  consisted  of  the 
2^  Batt".  of  light  Infantry,  a  Batt°.  of  the  Royal  High- 
landers and  3  Comp'.  of  Hessian  Rifle  Men.  The  prisoners 
we  took,  told  us,  they  expected  our  Men  would  have  run 
away  as  they  did  the  day  before,  but  that  they  were  never 
more  surprised  than  to  see  us  advancing  to  attack  them. 
The  Virginia  and  Maryland  Troops  bear  the  Palm.  They 
are  well  officered  and  behave  with  as  much  regularity  as 
possible,  while  the  Eastern  people  are  plundering  every- 
thing that  comes  in  their  way.  An  Ensign  is  to  be  tried 
for  marauding  to-day,  the  Gen^  will  execute  him  if  he  can 
get  a  Court  Martial  to  convict  him  —  I  like  our  post  here 
exceedingly,  I  think  if  we  give  it  up  it  is  our  own  faults. 
You  must  excuse  me  to  my  other  friends  for  not  writing 
to  them.  I  can  hardly  find  time  to  give  you  a  Line. 
[Memoir  of  Lieut. -Col.  Tench  Tilghman.    J.  Munsell,  Albany,  1876.] 


178 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


No.  33 

RECOLLECTIONS  OF  JUDGE  OLIVER  BTJRNHAM,  CORNWALL, 
CONN.,  ONE  OF  KNOWLTON's  RANGERS 

Soon  after  the  retreat  from  Long  Island,  Colonel 
Knovvlton  was  ordered  to  raise  a  battalion  of  troops  from 
the  different  regiments  called  the  Rangers,  to  reconnoitre 
along  our  shores,  and  between  the  armies.  Being  invited 
by  a  favourite  officer,  I  volunteered,  and  on  the  day  the 
enemy  took  New  York,  we  were  at  Harlem,  and  had  no 
share  in  the  events  of  that  day.  But  on  the  next,  we 
were  ordered  to  bring  a  large  force  of  the  enemy  off  the 
Ground  they  had  selected,  on  to  one  more  favourable 
for  us.  Colonel  Knowlton  marched  close  to  the  enemy 
as  they  lay  on  one  of  the  Harlem  Heights  and  discharged 
a  few  rounds  and  then  retreated  over  the  hill  out  of  sight 
of  the  enemy  and  concealed  us  behind  a  low  stone  wall. 
The  Colonel  marked  a  place  about  eight  or  ten  rods  from 
the  wall  and  charged  us  not  to  rise  or  fire  a  gun  until  the 
enemy's  front  reached  that  place.  The  British  followed 
in  Solid  column  and  soon  were  on  the  ground  designated, 
when  we  gave  them  nine  rounds  and  retreated. 

We  lost  about  one-fourth  of  our  little  force,  and  be- 
lieved that  we  killed  many  times  more  than  our  whole 
number  of  the  Enemy. 

Our  number  Engaged  was  only  about  120,  and  I  often 
heard  it  said  in  New  York,  while  a  prisoner  there,  that 
the  British  had  twice  that  force. 

Soon  after  we  met  our  army,  General  Putnam  Came 
up  to  Colonel  Knowlton,  and  directed  him  to  take  the 
left  flank,  and  the  troops  marched  to  meet  the  Enem}^ 
But  as  the  old  troops  marched  slower  than  those  who  had 


AUTHORITIES 


170 


been  Engaged,  we  fell  on  their  flank  before  the  others 
came  into  action.  Passing  over,  we  met  the  Enemy's 
right  flank  which  had  been  posted  out  of  our  Sight  on 
lower  ground.  They  fired,  and  killed  Colonel  Knowlton 
and  nearly  all  that  had  reached  the  top  of  the  height. 
I  was  within  a  few  feet  of  the  Colonel  when  he  fell. 
Our  flank  soon  came  up  and  drove  theirs  to  their  main 
body.  We  kept  our  ground  during  the  action  and  kept 
up  a  Continual  fire. 

After  discharging  about  Sixty  rounds  they  retreated 
and  we  fell  upon  their  rear,  and  took  two  field  pieces 
as  they  were  dragging  them  up  through  a  buckwheat  field. 
We  then  pursued  them  on  to  the  ground  where  we  first 
found  them. 

Thus  ended  the  battle  of  Harlem  Heights,  which  was 
of  Considerable  importance  although  little  has  been  said 
of  it  in  any  history  that  I  have  seen  that  gives  anything 
like  a  true  account  of  that  action,  or  alludes  to  the  honor 
due  Colonel  Knowlton  and  his  family  for  his  conduct 
on  that  day  —  He  had  a  brother  and  Son  in  the  battle,  all 
brave  men. 

Soon  after,  the  two  armies  were  at  White  Plains  leav- 
ing a  garrison  in  Fort  Washington.  A  British  army  of 
Considerable  force  lay  between  us  and  New  York.  Our 
Rangers  were  stationed  near  Harlem  to  watch  the  Enemy, 
and  had  Several  Engagements  with  Small  parties  of  them. 
In  one  of  these  Major  Coburn  who  Commanded  was 
wounded  by  a  musket  shot  through  the  arm,  and  left  us, 
if  my  recollection  is  Correct,  under  Captain  Pope.  We 
remained  until  the  Sixteenth  of  November  in  this  situa- 
tion, when  we  were  warmly  Engaged  on  all  sides.  We 
were  about  two  miles  below  the  fort  and  well  sustained 
the  attack  until  the  enemy  made  good  their  landing  across 


ISO 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


Harlem  River,  when  we  had  hard  fighting  to  reach  the 
Fort  —  Just  as  we  had  reached  the  gate  the  flag  went 
out  and  Surrendered  the  fort  and  ourselves  prisoners  of 
war. 

[From  Original  MSS.] 


No.  34 

ACCOUNT   BY  JAMES    S.   MARTIN,   SOLDIER    IN  COLONEL 
DOUGLAS'  REGIMENT  OF  CONNECTICUT  LEVIES 

The  next  day  [Sept.  16,  1776],  in  the  forenoon,  the 
enemy,  as  we  expected,  followed  us  '  hard  up '  and  were 
advancing  through  a  level  field;  our  rangers  and  some 
few  other  light  troops  under  the  command  of  Col.  Knowl- 
ton,  of  Connecticut  and  Major  Leitch  of  (I  believe)  Vir- 
ginia, were  in  waiting  for  them.  Seeing  them  advancing, 
the  rangers,  &;c,  concealed  themselves  in  a  deep  gully 
overgrown  with  bushes ;  upon  the  western  verge  of  this 
defile  was  a  post  and  rail  fence,  and  over  that  the  fore- 
mentioned  field.  Our  people  let  the  enemy  advance  until 
they  arrived  at  the  fence  when  they  arose  and  poured  in 
a  volley  upon  them.  How  many  of  the  enemy  were 
killed  &  wounded  could  not  be  known,  as  the  British 
were  always  as  careful  as  Indians  to  conceal  their  losses. 
There  were,  doubtless,  some  killed,  as  I  myself  counted 
nineteen  ball-holes  through  a  single  rail  of  the  fence  at 
which  the  enemy  were  standing  when  the  action  began. 
The  British  gave  back  and  our  people  advanced  into  the 
field.  The  action  soon  became  warm.  Col.  Knowlton,  a 
brave  man  and  commander  of  the  detachment,  fell  in  the 
early  part  of  the  engagement.  It  was  said,  by  them  who 
saw  it,  that  he  lost  his  valuable  life  by  unadvisedly  expos- 
ing himself  singly  to  the  enemy.    In  my  boyhood  I  had 


AUTHORITIES 


181 


been  acquainted  with  him ;  he  was  a  brave  man  and  an 
excellent  citizen.  Major  Leitch  fell  soon  after,  and  the 
troops  who  were  then  engaged,  were  left  with  no  higher 
commanders  than  their  captains,  but  they  still  kept  the 
enemy  retreating.  Our  regiment  was  now  ordered  into 
the  field,  and  we  arrived  on  the  ground  just  as  the  retreat- 
ing army  were  entering  a  thick  wood,  a  circumstance  as 
disagreeable  to  them  as  it  was  agreeable  to  us,  at  that 
period  of  the  war.  We  soon  came  to  action  with  them. 
The  troops  engaged  being  reinforced  by  our  regiment 
kept  them  still  retreating,  until  they  found  shelter  under 
the  cannon  of  some  of  their  shipping,  lying  in  the  North 
River.  We  remained  on  the  battle  ground  till  nearly  sun- 
set, expecting  the  enemy  to  attack  us  again,  but  they 
showed  no  such  inclination  that  day.  The  men  were  very 
much  fatigued  and  faint,  having  had  nothing  to  eat  for 
forty-eight  hours  —  at  least  the  greater  part  were  in  this 
condition  &  I  among  the  rest.  .  ,  .  We  had  eight  or 
ten  of  our  reg*  killed  in  the  action  &  a  number  wounded, 
but  none  of  them  belonging  to  our  company.  Our  Lt. 
Col.  was  hit  by  a  grape-shot,  which  went  through  his  coat, 
westcoat  and  shirt,  to  the  skin  on  his  shoulder,  without 
doing  any  other  damage  than  cutting  up  his  epaulette. 

[A  Narrative  of  Some  of  the  Adventures,  Dangers  and  Sufferings  of 
a  Revolutionary  Soldier,  etc.    Hallo  well,  Me.,  1830.] 

No.  35 

PETER  DUBOIS  TO  MAJOR  GOLDEN,  WRITTEN  AT  SECOND 
RIVER,  N.  J. 

Tuesday,  Sept.  17,  1776. 
We  have  Three  different  and  Equally  Confused  Accounts 
of  Another  Action  Yesterday  between  the  Hours  of  10  & 


182 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


2  "Clock,  Said  to  have  liappen'd  on  the  Bank  of  Hudsons 
River  about  Two  Miles  higher  than  M^  Apthorps,  Near 
where  the  Gully  Terminates  that  Crosses  the  Island  as  you 
Enter  Harlem  Lane  from  Kingsbridge,  in  which  Common 
fame  by  the  Bye  a  Most  Notorious  Liar  Says  The  Regular 
Troops  were  Routed  with  the  Loss  of  about  400  Men  Killd 
Wounded  &  prisoners  with  three  field  pieces  whilst  the 
Provincials  lost  only  48  Men. 

I  have  Endeavord  to  Trace  the  Reports  But  Cannot  deduce 
their  Origin  farther  than  from  some  Associators  Now  Uni- 
versally know^n  here  by  the  Denomination  of  Flying  Camp 
Men.  These  with  one  or  More  of  the  Heroic  Battalions 
of  their  Corps  were  Posted  at  a  Fort  lately  thrown  up  on  the 
Jersey  Shore,  nearly  Opposite  to  Fort  Washington  declare 
they  saw  the  Engagement,  from  the  heights  opposite  to  it 
on  the  Jersey  shore  &  that  a  boat  with  some  people  in  it 
had  come  a  Cross  the  River  from  whom  they  heard  these 
particulars.  As  yet  I  suspend  my  opinion  of  the  Number 
Lost  on  either  Side  But  think  it  probable  there  has  been 
an  Action  and  that  the  British  Troops  have  Retreated 
—  first  Because  Twenty  seven  flat  Bottom  Boats  full 
of  Soldiers  were  seen  to  go  up  the  North  River  Early 
on  Monday  Morning  —  Secondly  Because  We  have  had 
Acco''.  that  the  Provincials  Began  to  throw  up  Intrench- 
ments  at  this  place  a  Sunday  Afternoon  at  which  they 
continued  to  Work  all  Night.  And  the  Reporters  Say  the 
British  Troops  forced  the  first  Line  of  Their  Intrenchments 
and  were  on  the  Brink  of  Carrying  the  second  when  they 
were  flanked  by  a  Body  of  Riflemen  which  induced  them 
to  Retreat  —  I  think  it  probable  The  Kings  Troops  have 
been  if  not  totally,  in  a  great  Measure  Ignorant  of  the 
Intrenchments  and  possibly  highly  elated  with  their  late 
Successes  and  probably  but  Indifferently  Acquainted  w'*" 


AUTHORITIES 


183 


The  Surrounding  Grounds  —  All  which  Circumstances 
must  have  been  of  bad  tendency  to  them —  But  may  teach 
their  Commanders  a  Lesson  of  Military  Wisdom  —  Not  to 
Undervalue  their  Enemy,  To  be  Cautious  &  Circumspect 
before  they  Advance  And  thoroughly  to  Reconnoitre  the 
Enemys  defences  as  well  as  the  Surrounding  Grounds. 

Wednesday,  Sept.  18^.  1776. 

I  have  just  seen  an  officer  of  The  Jersey  Forces  from 
fort  Washington  who  says  he  was  in  the  Action  on  Mon- 
day. His  Name  is  Deane  &  of  the  5'^.  Reg'.  He  told  me 
The  Regular  Troops  about  1000  in  Number  principally  of 
Fraziers  Reg'.  Attacked  their  Advanced  post  in  its  In- 
trenchments,  But  on  a  Brigade  Appearing  to  Reinforce 
them  Retreat*^.  That  by  Estimation  they  must  have  had 
Killd  &  Wounded  about  200  Men  That  the  Provincials 
had  only  11  Killd  &  15  wounded  among  the  former  a  New 
England  Collonell.  —  He  says  the  Main  force  of  The 
British  Army  is  Collected  at  the  Seven  Mile  Stone  Ex- 
tending Cross  the  Island  —  That  the  Provincials  have 
thrown  up  very  strong  lines  from  Harlem  River  a  Cross  to 
Hudsons  River  at  the  Nine  Mile  Stone,  and  have  10,000 
Men  the  Flower  of  their  Troops  Encamp'd  without  the 
Lines  Determind  to  Oppose  the  Regulars  in  the  field  sho*^. 
they  attempt  the  heights,  —  that  the  Remainder  of  the 
Provincials  are  in  different  Encampments  from  ColP. 
Morris's  to  Kings  Bridge  &  beyond  it  and  Consist  of  about 
20,000  men,  who  are  all  in  high  Spirits  —  this  Account  of 
the  Engagement  and  of  The  Disposition  of  the  Two  Armys 
is  the  most  probable  &  The  ]\Iost  Distinct  of  any  I  have 
yet  heard  &  therefore  I  have  given  it  you  by  way  of  Sup- 
plement. 

[McKesson  Papers,  N.  Y.  Historical  Society.    Mag.  of  Am.  History.] 


184 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


No.  36 

KECOLLECTIONS  OF  COLONEL  HENRY  RUTGERS  IN  AN 
ADDRESS  AT  THE  LAYING  OF  A  CHURCH  CORNER- 
STONE, 1827 

I  cheerfully  joined  the  army  at  Brooklyn  Heights ;  and 
after  that  skirmish  I  escaped  with  the  retreating  army  to 
the  City  of  New  York.  I  returned  at  once  to  my  peaceful 
dwelling,  but  was  soon  after  commanded  to  join  the  army 
in  its  farther  retreat  to  Haerlem  Heights. 

On  mounting  my  horse,  and  retiring  across  the  fields  in 
the  immediate  vicinity  of  this  spot,  with  a  slow  step  and 
an  anxious  state  of  mind,  I  contemplated  my  then  present 
situation  and  my  future  prospects.  .  .  .  Soon  after  this, 
a  division  of  the  British  army,  taking  the  Bloomingdale 
Road,  arrived  at  Manhattan  Ville  (now  so  called).  Some 
sharp  shooting  immediately  commenced  between  the  rifle- 
men of  each  army,  in  a  buckwheat  field,  situated  in  the 
valley  between  them ;  many  brave  men  on  both  sides  were 
killed,  and  many  more  were  wounded.  The  British  were 
brought  to  Haerlem  River,  and  from  thence  they  were 
conveyed  by  water,  to  my  dwelling  house,  which  I  had 
very  recently  left,  but  which  had  already  received  the 
mark  of  Confiscation  on  the  south  door  (and,  my  friends 
that  mark  I  have  taken  care  still  to  preserve  on  my  door). 
My  dwelling  house  was  then  occupied  by  them  as  an 
Hospital,  a  Store  House,  or  Barracks,  as  the  circumstances 
of  the  times  required. 

[Magazine  of  the  Dutch  Reformed  Church,  Vol.  II.,  p.  412.] 


AUTHORITIES 


185 


No.  37 

RECOLLECTIONS  OF  MRS.  BENSON  MCGOWAN,  OF  HARLEM 

Randall's  Island,  now  owned  by  the  New  York  Cor- 
poration, was  the  property  of  Captain  ]\Iontressor  before 
the  Revolutionary  War.  It  was  confiscated,  and  after 
peace  passed  into  the  hands  of  Captain  Randall,  a  native 
of  Harlem,  father  of  David  Randall,  Esq.  Capt.  Randall 
was  a  tory,  raised  a  Company  of  Provincials  and  received 
a  Commission,  which  he  afterward  sold  out,  and  with  the 
proceeds  purchased  the  Island. 

The  Benson  House  at  Harlem  where  I  was  born  was 
built  by  my  great  grandfather  and  is  more  than  one 
hundred  years  old.  In  September,  1776,  when  the  British 
fired  at  Jacob  Walton's  house,  my  father  became  alarmed 
for  his  family,  and  putting  a  few  valuables  and  necessaries 
in  a  waggon  took  his  wife  and  children  to  the  country 
expecting  to  return  in  a  fortnight,  but  we  remained  there 
till  after  peace  was  proclaimed.  First  we  settled  in  Fish- 
kill  and  afterward  lived  at  Salisbury  in  Connecticut. 

The  skirmish  at  Harlem  in  which  Colonel  Knowlton 
fell,  took  place  near  where  the  De  Peysters  lived,  and 
north  of  there,  that  is,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Bloomingdale 
Asylum. 

The  Blue  Bell  was  a  tavern  on  the  Post  road  near  Fort 
Washington,  and  which  before  and  during  the  Revolu- 
tionary War,  was  kept  by  Blazius  Moore,  father  of  Blazy 
Moore  who  lives  now  in  the  Bower3^ 

Colonel  Roger  Morris'  house  is  the  same  now  owned 
by  Madame  Jumel  Avith  but  little  alteration.  It 
was  Washington's  and  afterwards  Knyphausen's  head- 
quarters. 


186 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


Mrs.  Day's  Tavern  was  on  the  old  Post  road  near  Man- 
hattanville.  Abraham  King,  formerly  Alderman  of  the 
Twelfth  Ward,  I  think,  married  the  grand  daughter  en- 
gaged to  Captain  Romer.  The  old  Post  road  ran  where 
Haerlem  Lane  is  now,  near  to  Manhattanville,  then  for 
some  distance  under  the  Ridge,  and  then  up  to  Break- 
Neck  Hill.  The  old  Bloomingdale  road  ran  no  farther 
(in  the  Revolutionary  War)  than  Manhattanville  where 
there  was  a  landing. 

[From  papers  in  possession  of  the  late  Mr.  Moore,  librarian  of  Lenox 
Library,  dated  1847.] 


No.  38 

CAPTAIN  SEBASTIAN  BAUMAN'S  ACCOUNT  OF  HIS  EXPERI- 
ENCES WITH  HIS  COMPANY  OF  ARTILLERY,  SEPTEMBER 
15TH,  1776 

I  remained  on  that  day  in  New  York  on  the  grand 
Battr}^  until  10  oclock  in  the  morning  —  the  Enemy  to  all 
appearance  had  landed  in  Gibb's  [Kip's]  Bay  and  there- 
abouts at  9  oclock  ;  not  a  musketeer  had  been  left  within 
a  mile  of  the  citty  when  I  recieved  orders  to  throw  or  force 
myself  into  the  fort  on  Bayards  Hill. 

I  had  a  Company  of  excellent  men.  But  not  a  musket 
among  us,  except  two  Howitzers,  which  by  order  I  was  to 
bring  out  at  the  risk  of  m}^  life.  I  marched  through  the 
Citty  with  Drums  and  Fifes  playing,  not  meeting  about 
six  living  souls  on  my  way,  untill  my  arrival  at  the  fort, 
where  I  met  some  more  Artillery  Officers  and  a  few  men 
with  about  25  musketteers,  which  Contributed  something 
(toward  an  order  we  Received)  to  sustain  an  attack  or 


AUTHORITIES 


187 


siege.  The  Enemy  by  information  had  extended  himself 
almost  across  the  Island,  from  Gibbs  Bay  to  little  Bluming- 
thal.  I  concluded  from  all  apparent  circumstances  we 
were  entirely  cut  off  from  our  army  and  left  to  the  fate  of 
war,  as  will  appear  from  a  second  order,  Recieved  about  4 
oclock  in  the  afternoon,  to  force  our  way  to  Kings  Bridge, 
(note,  through  the  combined  army  of  Howe). 

According  to  orders,  [I]  put  our  little  army  which  con- 
sisted of  about  80  men  in  the  best  order  possible  with 
flanking  parties  out  and  advanced  along  the  North  river 
as  far  as  the  Glass  House,  where  we  made  a  halt  in  sight 
of  two  Ships  of  War  which  lay  close  under  shore  to  ob- 
struct our  advancing  any  that  Way  Without  giving  them 
Battle  which  we  thought  Best  to  Decline,  as  it  would 
have  Drawn  the  attention  of  Howe's  Army  by  the  firing 
towards  us.  Intelligence  being  brought  that  a  Body  of 
the  Enemy's  troops  are  marching  towards  the  North 
River,  I  sent  a  corporal  and  a  gunner  from  my  company 
to  Reconnoitre,  with  orders  to  inform  themselves  well, 
and  us,  of  any  Discovery  from  which  we  might  reap  any 
advantage. 

In  the  main  while  we  posted  ourselves  in  a  small 
Redowt  which  happened  to  be  near  by  with  full  inten- 
tion to  Defend  ourselves  to  the  last  in  case  of  an  attack. 
But  neither  one  or  the  other  appearing  I  gave  over  my 
two  men  for  lost.  Being  took  prisoners  as  I  afterwards 
heard  within  600  yards  from  our  little  fort.  No  provi- 
sion —  night  setting  in,  the  musketeers  begin  to  shift  for 
themselves  by  swimming  and  upon  planks  across  the  North 
River.  There  we  were,  and  how  to  Extricate  ourselves 
from  being  taken  prisoners  or  how  to  save  my  artillery 
from  falling  into  the  Enemies  hand  will  be  seen  in  the 
following  period. 


188 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


I  have  observed  before,  night  already  had  spread  her 
mantle  and  in  a  great  measure  covered  us  from  being 
seen,  under  which  we  held  a  Confederacy  not  to  leave 
one  another  let  the  consequence  be  what  it  would  and 
concluded  to  return  to  Bayard  Hill,  there  to  wait  the 
issue  of  the  next  day,  with  the  proviso  to  get  across  the 
North  River  if  possible.  Accordingly  left  our  little  fort, 
and  in  our  march  which  has  been  as  silent  as  night  itself, 
We  discovered  a  Boat  with  her  sails  up  laying  high  and 
dry  on  the  beach,  which  Boat  we  supposed  to  have  been 
drove  on  shore  by  those  ships  of  war  which  went  up  the 
river  in  the  morning.  All  hands  was  set  to  work  if  pos- 
sible to  get  her  in  the  water  —  which  at  last  with  a  deal 
to  do  accomplished.  But  how  to  get  my  Howitzers  in 
the  Boat  was  another  matter  of  concern  which  we  could 
not  effect ;  therefore  we  concluded  again  to  send  as  many 
men  with  the  Boat  as  would  work  her  over  to  Fowl's 
hook ;  from  thence  they  should  return  with  another  boat 
such  as  could  take  in  the  ordnance  and  stores  which  re- 
mained and  I  of  consequence  with  it. 

Maine  while  I  sent  another  corporal  in  disguise  to  New 
York  to  see  and  hear  what  was  going  forward  in  the  Citty 
and  if  possible  to  procure  a  Boat  or  Raft  in  Case  I  should 
be  disappointed  from  Poulshook.  After  the  stipulated 
time  he  returned  adding  the  impossibility  of  my  getting 
any  releive  from  that  quarter. 

It  being  then  12  oClock  in  the  night  and  very  cold. 
Being  on  the  brink  of  Dispair  on  account  of  my  men, 
when  a  Boat  arrived  from  Poulshook  and  carried  me  and 
artillery  over. 

[From  MSS.  in  possession  of  Mrs.  C.  D.  Marsh.] 


AUTHORITIES 


189 


No.  39 

OFFICERS  OF  KNOWLTON's  "RANGERS,"  1776 

Lieut.- Colonel :  Thomas  Knowlton,  Ashford,  detached  from  Durkee's 

Conn.  Cont.  Regt.  about  Sept.  1,  '76,  to  command  of  "  Rangers  " ; 

mortally  wounded  in  the  "  affair  "  or  battle  of  Harlem  Heights, 

Sept.  16 ;  buried  with  military  honors  within  the  American 

lines  on  present  Washington  Heights,  N.  Y. 
Major:  Andrew  Colburn  ^  [New  Hampshire],  Major  of  Nixon's  Mass. 

Cont.  Regt.,  appt.  to  command  of  "  Rangers,"  Oct.  1 ;  wounded 

Oct.  —  and  retired. 
Adjutant:  Thomas  U.  Fosdick,  New  London,  ensign  in  Chas.  Webb's 

Regt. 

Captains:  Stephen  Brown,  Woodstock,  of  Durkee's  Regt.;  in  com- 
mand of  "Rangers,"  after  Knowlton's  death  until  about  Oct.  1, 
when  he  returned  to  his  Regt. 

Thomas  Grosvenor,  Pomfret,  of  Durkee's  Regt. ;  returned  to  his 
Regt.  about  Oct.  1 ;  cont.  in  '77. 

Nathan  Hale,  Coventry,  of  Chas.  Webb's  Conn.  Cont.  Regt.;  ab- 
sent as  spy  in  enemy's  lines ;  executed  Sept.  22,  '76. 

Lemuel  Holmes ^  [New  Hampshire],  1st  Lieut.  Sargent's  Mass. 
Cont.  Regt.;  rept.  as  Capt.  Oct.  15,  and  commanded  "Rang- 
ers," succeeding  Maj.  Colburn;  prisoner  Nov.  16,  '76;  exch. 
Nov.  '78. 

Lieutenants:  Oliver  Babcock,  Stonington,  1st  Lieut.  Parsons'  Cont. 

Regt.;  taken  pris.  Nov.  16,  '76,  at  Fort  Washington;  exch. 

about  Jan.  1,  '77  ;  died  Jan.  25. 
Jesse  Grant,  Litchfield,  of  Chas.  Webb's  Regt. ;  pris.  Nov.  16,  Ft. 

Washington ;  exch.  Dec.  17,  '80. 
Abner  Bacon,  Canterbury,  1st  Lieut.  Chester's  State  Regt. ;  cont. 

in  '77. 

Ephraim  Cleveland  [Mass.],  1st  Lieut.  Sargent's  Regt. 

1  Major  Colburn  was  the  same  officer  who  in  the  following  year 
appeared  as  Lieut.-Col.  of  the  Third  Regt.  New  Hampshire  "  Line  " 
and  fell  in  the  first  engagement  with  Burgoyne's  army  near  Stillwater, 
Sept.  19,  '77.    He  came  from  North  Marlborough  in  that  State. 

2  Capt.  Lemuel  Holmes,  of  Sargent's  Mass.  Regt.,  also  belonged  to 
New  Hampshire,  town  of  Surry. 


190 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


Lieutenants:  Aaron  Straiten  [Mass.],  1st  Lieut.  Sargent's  Regt. 
William  Scott  [Mass.],  1st  Lieut.  Sargent's  Regt. 
Jacob  Pope  [Mass.],  2d  Lieut.-Col.  Jon»  AVard's  Mass.  Regt.; 
cashiered  Sept.  28,  76. 
Ensigns:  Benoni  Shipman,  New  Haven,  of  Clias.  Webb's  Regt. ;  cont. 
in  77. 

Aaron  Cleaveland,  Canterbury,  of  Chester's  State  Regt. 

Daniel  Knowlton,  Ashford,  of  Chester's  State  Regt. ;  taken  prisoner 

Xov.  26,  at  Ft.  Washington  ;  elder  brother  of  Col.  Knowlton. 
Thomas  Hender,  Hartford,  of  Col.  Wyllys'  Conn.  Cont.  Regt.; 

taken  prisoner  at  Ft.  Washington,  Xov.  16,  '76. 
Ebenezer  West,  ,  of  Hitchcock's  R.  I.  Cont.  Regt. 


NON-COMMISSIONED  OFFICERS  AND  PRIVATES,  OF  THE 
RANGERS, 

Taken  Prisoners  at  Surrender  of  Fort  Washington,  N.  Y.  Island,  Nov.  16,  '76 


DETACHED  FROM  DURKEE'S  REGT. 
—  CONN. 

Se7'jeants. 
Benjamin  Irish, 
William  Stuart. 

Privates. 
Xath'l.  Chesebrough, 
John  Lay, 
George  Wilson, 
Roswell  Becket, 
Jabez  Dewey, 
William  Ashcraft, 
Joseph  Sheffield, 
Roger  Billings, 
Phineas  Ellis, 
Reuben  Skespicks, 
Ammon  Harvey, 
Joshua  Davis, 
Seth  Norton, 
Jos.  Hancock, 
Daniel  Sampson, 
Abner  Cole, 


Daniel  Vanderpole, 
Moses  Gun, 
Enoch  Greenward, 
Thomas  Skespicks, 
Charles  Kelley, 
James  Cheesbrough, 
Jos.  Lankfort, 
Jos.  Smith, 

Joel  Jones,  died  Jan.  17. 
Daniel  Conner, 
Daniel  Hitt, 
William  Pearce. 


DETACHED  FROM  "VA^YLLYS'  REGT. 
—  CONN. 

Seijeant. 

John  Benton. 

Privates. 

Simeon  Linsey, 
Elisha  Taylor, 
Seth  Done, 

Richard  Chamberlain, 


AUTHORITIES 


191 


DETACHED  FROM  WYLLYS'  REGT. 

—  CONN,  {continued). 
Privates. 
Timothy  Hubbert, 
Samuel  Fails, 
Oliver  Buriiham, 
Asa  Barns, 
Thomas  Holmes, 
Levy  Latimer. 

DETACHED  FROM  C  WEBB'S  REGT. 
—  CONN. 

Serjeants. 
David  Thorp, 
Samuel  Laes. 

Privates. 
Samuel  Peck, 
Elisha  Howel, 
Elisha  Judson, 
William  Jones, 
Elisha  Peck, 

Samuel  Robbins,  died  Jan.  14. 

Thomas  Herdike, 

David  Beauel, 

Samuel  Smith, 

James  Bugbee, 

Roger  Blaisdel, 

Hull  Curtiss, 

Zephaniah  Cummings,  died  Feb. 
7. 

Thomas  Cook, 
Benjamin  Devenport, 
Thomas  Fargo, 
Elihu  Grant, 
Timothy  Hodges, 
Samuel  Hale. 

DETACHED  FROM  CHESTER'S 
REGT.  —  CONN. 

Serjeants. 
Abijah  Read  (Canterbury),  died 

Jan.  28. 
Perese  Ainsworth. 


Privates. 
Jacob  Pettibone, 
Rufus  Downing, 
Rufus  Hibbert, 
Jedediah  Dyer,  died  Jan.  20. 
Abner  Adams, 
John  Waid, 
Philip  Williams, 
John  Trarveret, 
Thomas  Stone, 
Timothy  Cady, 
Pender  Jenison, 
Philip  Abbott, 
Edward  Hughes, 
John  Hobbs, 
Luman  Long, 

Richard  Parsons,  died  Jan.  19. 

Hezekiah  Wadsworth, 

Aden  Marcey, 

John  Miner, 

William  Woodward, 

John  Cooks, 

Josiah  Underwood, 

John  Adams,  died  Jan.  16. 


DETACHED  FROM  SARGENT'S 
REGT.  —  MASS. 

Serjeants. 
Frederick  Putnam, 
John  Rains. 

Corporals. 
Niles  Beckwith, 
Josiah  Macomber. 

Privates. 
Nath'l  Turner, 
Daniel  Griswold, 
Joseph  Goodrich,  died  Dec.  2. 
Joseph  Spencer,  died  Nov.  2. 
William  Scott, 
Nicholas  Ashley, 
Aaron  Pettibone, 
Samuel  Silsby, 


192 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


DETACHED  FROM  sargent's  Bama  How, 

REGT.  —  MASS.  (continued).  William  Crowfoot, 

Privates.  John  Mores, 

William  Woodward,  Aaron  Woodward, 

Levy  Proctor,  John  Taylor, 

Israel  Sheldon,  Barna  Allien,  died  Nov.  28. 

Eliphalet  Mason,  Joshua  Wright. 

[The  foregoing  list  includes  only  those  who  were  taken  prisoners. 
There  were  doubtless  a  considerable  number  of  others  who  were  in  the 
action,  but  who  afterwards  returned  to  their  regiments,  such  as  Serjt. 
Stephen  Hempstead,  Xew  London,  of  Webb's  Regt.,  a  "Ranger," 
wounded  at  Harlem  Heights ;  Serjt.  Nehemiah  Holt,  whom  tradition 
places  by  the  side  of  Knowlton  when  he  fell;  Frederick  Knowlton, 
the  Colonel's  son,  who  states  in  his  pension  papers  that  on  his  father's 
death  he  was  obliged  to  return  to  his  home ;  Corp.  George  Wilson,  etc.] 

Note.  —  The  year  of  the  deaths  noted  above  is  not  given.  They 
occurred  before  Nov.,  78. 

[From  Connecticut  Revolutionary  Record,  Adjutant-General's  Ofl&ce, 
Hartford,  1887.] 


No.  40 

PARTIAL  LIST  OF  AMERICAN  CASUALTIES  IN  THE  HAR- 
LEM HEIGHTS  ENGAGEMENT 

Officers 

Lieut. -Colonel   Thomas   Knowlton,   Rangers,  mortally 
wounded. 

^lajor  Andrew  Leitch,  Third  Virginia,  mortally  wounded. 
Captain  Micaijah  Gleason,  Nixon's  Mass.,  killed. 
Lieut.  Noell  Allen,  Varnum's  R.  I.,  killed. 
Captain  Lowe,  Swing's  Maryland,  wounded. 

Hank  and  File 

Serjt.  Josiah  Waight,  Nixon's,  killed. 
Corp.  John  Maung,         "  " 


AUTHORITIES 


193 


Private  James  Townshend,  Nixon's,  killed. 
"     Thomas  Ryiie,  prisoner. 
"     Dennis  Lines,  Varnum's,  killed. 
"     John  McCoy,        "  " 
"     Samuel  Britton,  " 
Serjt.  John  Porter,  Hitchcock's  R.  I.,  killed. 

Private  James  White,         "  "  " 

Joseph  West,         "  "  " 

"     Thomas  Jones,       "  "  " 

"     David  Wilson,        "  "  " 

"     John  Cain,  "  "  missing. 

Serjt.  John  McLarty,  Little's  Mass.,  prisoner. 

Private  Elisha  Sampson,  Bailey's  Mass.,  mortally  wounded. 
"     William  Weathers,  "         "  "  " 

"     Job  Churchill,         "        "  missing. 
"     David  Hoskins,       "        "  " 
"     Zebediah  Sampson,  "        "  " 
Abel  Thrasher,       "         "  " 
"     Asa  Hunt,  "         "  " 

"   Hackett,  Sargent's  Mass.,  killed. 

"   Herbert,        "  "  prisoner. 

"   O'Brien,        "  "  " 

"   Alexander,     "  " 

Serjt.  John  Beach,  Douglas'  Conn.,  missing. 

Private  Titus  Mix,         "  "  killed. 

"     William  Meriams,  Douglas'  Conn.,  killed. 
"     Robert  Ashbo,  Tyler's  Conn.,  " 
"     James  Christa,  Holman's  Mass.,  " 


[Force's  Archives,  Fifth  Series,  Vol.  HI.,  pp.  717-22.] 


194 


BATTLE  OF  HAKLEM  HEIGHTS 


No.  41 


MEMORANDA  IN  REGARD  TO  THE  RANGERS  AND  PRISON- 
ERS IN  NEW  YORK  FROM  LIEUT.  OLIVER  BABCOCK's 
DIARY  AND  PENSION  CLAIMS 


Strength  of  the  Companies 


Oct.  10,  1776. 
[Lieut.]  Pope       45  men 


Hender 

Officers 

Bacon 

Holms 

Grant 


26 
18 
15 
30 
40 
174 


Oct.  20,  1776. 

Capt.  Holmes  28  men 
[Lieut.]  Bacon 


Hender 
Grant 
Officers 
Babcock 


15 
24 
39 
14 
_43 
163 


Receipts 

Nov.  2,  1776. 

Rec'?  of  Lt.  Babcock  Fifty  Shillings  lOdf  l  L.  M.,  same 
money  due  to  the  Company  under  my  command  in  the 
Ranging  service  for  the  first  fortnight  in  said  service. 

Pr.  Theo.  Hender,  Com^  Sd  Co. 


Nov.  2,  1776. 

Rec"^  of  Lt.  Babcock  Three  pounds  |  L.  M.,  same  money 
for  the  Company  of  Rangers  commanded  Late  by  Capt. 
Hale.  Tho"  Updike  Fosdick, 

Ensign. 

Harlem,  Oct.  29,  1776. 

Rec*^  of  Lieut.  Babcock  Fifty  Seven  Shillings  and  9d! 
L.  M.  in  full  for  same  money  due  to  my  Company  while 
in  the  Ranging  Service. 

Pr  Stephen  Brown, 

Capt. 


AUTHORITIES 


195 


Nov.  2,  1776. 

Rec^  of  Lt.  Babcock  three  pounds,  8s,  9d,  same  money 
for  the  Ranging  Company  under  any  Command. 

Lemuel  Holmes, 

Capt. 

Statements  in  Pension  Claims 

Lieut.  Abner  Bacon  says :  "  I  was  selected  as  one 
of  the  Rangers  and  served  under  the  intrepit  Lt.  Col. 
Knowlton,  and  was  in  the  engagement  on  York  Island 
when  he  fell  a  victim  to  tiie  enemy." 

David  Thorp,  of  Woodbury,  Conn.,  belonged  to  Col. 
Charles  Webb's  Continental  Regiment,  and  served  first 
near  Boston.  In  the  spring  of  1776  he  was  detailed  to  go 
with  Genl  Lee  to  the  Southern  States,  as  one  of  his  Life 
Guard.  They  accomplished  "  the  tedious  march  of  1000 
miles  "  and  then  returned  to  New  York  city.  After  the 
Battle  of  Long  Island,  Thorp  speaks  of  his  service  as 
follows  : 

"  There  was  orders  to  raise  a  company  of  '  Rangers '  of 
150.  I  was  one  of  them  as  an  orderly  Sergeant  —  About 
this  [time]  the  enemy  landed  on  York  Island  and  the 
next  day  after  they  landed,  we  had  a  very  severe  battle 
with  the  enemy,  which  was  called  the  '  Monday  fight '  — 
We,  and  brave  commander  Colonel  who  fell  in  the  battle 
—  He  did  not  say  'go  boys,'  but,  'come  boys,'  and  we 
always  were  ready  and  willing  to  follow  him,  and  until  he 
fell  within  six  feet  where  I  was  —  He  begged  to  be  moved 
so  that  the  enemy  should  not  get  possession  of  his  body  — 
I  was  one  who  helped  put  him  on  the  soldiers  shoulders 
who  carried  him  off  —  He  expired  in  about  one  hour  — 
After  this  we  remained  between  the  lines  until  late  in  the 
fall  &  had  a  great   many  severe   scrimages  with  the 


196 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


enemy  —  At  length  the  enemy  crossed  at  Frog's  Point, 
and  went  up  to  White  Plains,  then  returned  back  across 
King's  Bridge  &  hem^  us  in :  we  was  obliged  to  resort  to 
Fort  Washington.  The  Fort  was  immediately  given  up 
on  the  16  of  November  —  There  was  nothing  to  be  seen 
or  heard  among  the  soldiers  but  crying,  swearing,  and 
cursing  that  the  Fort  was  given  up,  which  was  then  near- 
est to  N.  Y.  city  —  We  was  then  put  on  board  the  prison 
ship  where  I  remained  about  two  months ;  here  I  saw  the 
most  barbarous,  inhuman,  &  wicked  conduct  that  ever 
could  be  invented  by  man  —  I  saw  hundreds  die  with 
hunger,  a  shocking  death  —  them  that  lived  underwent 
every  thing  but  death.  The  Bo^sen  [Boatswain]  came 
down  every  morning  with  rope  in  hand,  [unintelligible] 
'is  there  any  dead  Yankees  here?'  if  there  was  any  so 
weak  that  they  could  not  get  off  his  way,  they  felt  the 
rope  on  their  backs.  Our  food  for  four  days  in  the  week 
each  day  was  some  oatmeal  full  of  worms,  scalded,  made 
very  thin,  put  into  a  wooden  dish,  about  three  pints  for 
eight  men;  the  other  three  days,  two  ounces  salt  beef  a 
man  with  a  little  hard  biscuit ;  if  by  chance  we  got  a  beef 
bone,  we  were  rich,  it  was  cracked  &  pounded;  every 
mite  was  eaten.  At  one  time  we  were  refused  fresh 
water  for  three  days ;  a  Sentinel  set  over  the  water  cask, 
then  every  man  drank  as  he  pleased  —  A  great  many 
being  so  weak  and  thirsty,  drank  'till  they  died  —  this 
was  not  for  the  quantity  of  water. 

"  At  length  came  orders  that  we  would  be  released  by 
signing  a  parole  not  to  take  up  arms  until  exchanged  — 
We  very  readily  accepted  the  offer,  &  came  out  about  the 
middle  of  January — I  got  as  far  as  Norwalk  being  unable 
to  get  no  farther,  now  40  miles  to  my  home  —  My  people 
soon  heard  the  good  news,  came  &  carried  me  home  —  It 


AUTHORITIES 


197 


was  four  weeks  before  I  could  cross  the  room  &  six 
months  before  I  could  perform  any  kind  of  business." 

William  Steward,  of  Col.  S.  H.  Parsons'  regiment 
states  that  "  he  was  in  the  Battle  of  Long  Island  and  two 
or  three  days  thereafter  was  permitted  to  volunteer  as  one 
of  the  'Rangers'  under  Colo.  Knowlton  from  Conn,  who 
were  to  range  between  the  hostile  armies.  .  .  .  He  was  with 
Colo.  Knowlton  when  he  was  killed,  and  after  his  death  the 
'  Rangers '  were  commanded  by  Capt.  Holmes  and  Major 
Colburn,  and  he  thinks  part  of  the  time  by  some  other 
officer,  but  is  not  distinct  in  his  recollection  as  to  the  name 
of  all  the  officers  that  were  in  command  after  CoP  Knowl- 
ton's  decease.  While  with  the  Rangers  he  was  employed 
at  Harlem,  and  on  the  27  Oct°  1776  he  was  in  the  Skir- 
mish in  Harlem,  and  commanded  a  company  of  Rangers 
that  day.  That  the  16'^  day  of  November  he  was  taken 
prisoner  at  Fort  Washington,  between  Kings  Bridge  and 
N.  Y.  city,  by  the  Hessian  division  of  the  British  army, 
carried  to  N.  Y.  city  where  he  remained  a  prisoner  until 
Jany  5,  1777  when  he  with  others  was  paroled  and  arrived 
at  home  about  Feby  10  —  His  health  was  so  much  im- 
paired that  he  was  unfit  for  service  and  remained  so  until 
June  —  He  ascribed  his  sickness  to  the  extreme  cruelty  of 
the  British,  during  his  confinement  on  board  the  Prison 
Ship." 

[Statement  summarized  in  the  Pension  Bureau,] 

Oliver  Burnham,i  of  Col.  Wyllys'  Regiment,  Conn, 
states  that  after  marching  from  Boston  to  New  York  "  he 
went  on  to  Long  Island,  was  in  the  battle  at  Flatbush  in 
August  and  returned  to  New  York,  was  in  the  battle  at 
Harlem  Heights  (Col.  Knowlton  then  commanded  and 

1  See  Judge  Burnham's  letter  on  the  Battle  of  Harlem  Heights, 
Document  No.  33. 


198 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


was  killed  —  was  shot  down  within  a  yard  of  the  sub- 
scriber), continued  with  the  troops  until  about  the  16"' 
November,  1776,  when  he  was  taken  prisoner  at  Fort 
Washington,  put  on  board  of  a  British  ship  (called  the 
Button)  &  thence  (being  taken  sick)  was  sent  to  the 
Hospital  at  the  Methodist  Meeting  House  in  New  York, 
remained  there  2  or  3  weeks  &  then  was  permitted  to  live 
out  of  the  Hospital,  &  remained  until  the  middle  of  Feb- 
ruary 1777,  when  he  took  *  Scotch  leave '  and  escaped, 
returning  to  his  father's  house  in  Cornwall,  Conn." 

[From  MSS.  Documents,  Pension  Bureau,  Washington,  D.  C] 


No.  42 


EXTRACTS  FROM  MSS.  DIARY  OF  LIEUT.  OLIVER  BAB- 
COCK,  OF  KNOWLTON'S  RANGERS,  KEPT  WHILE  PRIS- 
ONER IN  NEW  YORK 


Nov.  16, 

[1776]  Fort  Washington  was  Taken. 

17 

Staid  at  Harlim  fasting. 

18 

Came  to  York  and  Lodged  in  ye  Meeting  house. 

20 

Went  to  see  the  Prisoners. 

21 

walked  about  Town. 

22 

Dealt  pots  [rations  ?]  to  ye  prisoners. 

23 

Went  to  Mr.  Volentines,  Drew  the  officers  Bots 

[obscure] . 

24 

Collected  some  Returns  and  waited  for  Pro- 

vision —  wrote  2  Letters. 

25 

Drew  Provision  and  Divided. 

26 

found  2  poor  Prisoners  Ded  in  prison  —  Din'd 

at  Anells  (?) 

27 

Drew  provy'ion  for  352  (?)  —  Rainy. 

AUraORITIES 


199 


28  Drew  Rice,  peas  &  Butter  for  soldiers  in 

North  Ch —  and  counted  them. 

29  Drew  wood  for  the  prisoners  in  North  Church. 

30  Drew  Provision  &  Divided  it  —  the  Serj't.  as- 

sisted me  —  Major  Wells  set  out. 
Dec,    1    Mr.  James  Avery  came  to  see  me  —  Eat  broiled 
Turnips. 

2  Went  to  Mr.  Loring  —  get  the  Proclimation. 

3  Went  to  fly  market  &  Bought  fish  —  also  Bou't 

soap  —  Rainy  weather. 

4  went  to  Mrs.  Smiths  &  to  see  Doctor  holms  — 

Drew  y*  Beef —  no  news. 
6    went  to  Mrs.  goodwin's  —  got  breakfast. 

6  Cut  wood  —  my  part 

7  Saw'd  wood  &  cut  —  the  Ships  went  up  the 

River  —  my  part  ^  L  money. 

8  Sunday  went  to  Mrs.  goodwins  to  Breakfast  — 

uncle  Avery  came  to  see  me  —  Supped  on 
sasages  at  Mrs.  granediers  (?). 

9  Went  several  times  to  go  on  Board  ship  —  fell 

in  Company  with  Col.  Allen  —  went  to  Mrs. 
Spooners. 

10  went  on  Board  the  Dutton  &  Grovner  ships 

and  carried  some  Cloths  to  the  poor  prisoners. 

11  went  to  see  Lt.  Brewster  —  shoemaking  —  Mr. 

Stratten  arriv'd. 

12  Snowy  wet  weather  —  fetch'd  a  Bottle  wine  for 

Doctor  holms  —  Began  to  write  Coppies. 

13  went  to  see  the  sick  at  the  Quaker  meeting 

house  —  Wilson  &  Vanderpool  —  &  Bought 
Turnips  —  went  with  Lieut.  Stratten,  Capt. 
Gilbert. 

14  Clear  and  Cold  —  Capt.  Dewitt  tells  good  news. 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


15  Being  Sunday  Drew  Provisions  for  the  Officers 

&  Divided  it  our  Quarters  —  Clear  and  Cold, 
heard  the  news  that  Gen^  Lee  is  taken. 

16  attended  Col.  Clark's  Funeral. 

17  Clear  and  Cold :  mended  our  fire  Place  —  Built 

a  new  Back. 

18  Clear  and  Cold  —  Drew  the  Provisions  all  but 

Bread  —  went  twice  after  that. 

19  had  a  Touse  for  Bread  with  Mr.  White  —  had 

the  Bread  Changed  —  Clear  and  Cold. 

20  Snow  —  much  Touse  with  Doctor  Keyes  having 

Small  Pox  &c.  —  Din'd  with  Mr.  Walker  the 
Baker,  good  eells  &  good  cheese  &c.  —  Car- 
ried my  shirt  &  frock  to  Mrs.  Goodwin  to 
wash  —  Snowy  and  rainy. 
22  Sunday  clear  and  pleasant.  .  .  .  Old  Doctor 
Mix  says  he  is  going  out. 

24  Drew  provision  &  was  exchanged  by  Mr.  Loring. 

25  went  on  board  the  ships  glasco,  James  Craig 

master  —  Dined  with  Mrs.  Cassender  in  Com- 
pany Lieut.  Stratten. 

26  got  1  Dozen  wine  for  y*  Sick  —  Rainy  icey 

weather  —  wind  N.  East.  Bot  Bread  &  spilt 
it  in  the  Dark. 

27  Set  sail  from  N.  York  &  came  up  to  Blackwells 

point,  Dropt  anchor,  went  Longsland  [L.  L] 
shore  &  Buried  7  men. 

28  Went  up  to  ballets  Cove  —  went  on  shore  & 

Buried  2  Dead. 
29,  30,  31    Lay  at  Hallets   Cove,  wind  N.E.  — 
went  on  shore  —  Buried  the  Dead  —  Bought 
1  sheep  Cost  248  9d  L.  M.,  also  20  gallons 
molasses  at  3/  L.  M. 


AUTHORITIES 


201 


Jan.  1,  1777  set  sail  —  came  thro'  Hell  gate  —  came 
to  anchor  about  4  miles  above  at  the  Island 
2  Brothers  —  wind  southerly,  very  heavy 
and  rain  —  Drove  into  a  Bay  on  Westchester 
shore  —  struck  a  Rock,  got  of  safe. 

2  Wind  at  N.  West  — sail'd  to  Milford  [Conn.], 

Came  to  anchor  in  y'  Harbour  about  3 
o'clock. 

3  Landed  our  poor  sick  men  at  Milford,  &c. 
[From  Milford,  Lieut.  Babcock  went,  by  way 

of  New  Haven  and  Middletown,  to  Hart- 
ford.] 

7  Was  admitted  in  to  Both  houses  of  Assembly 

and  Related  the  sufferings  of  my  poor  fellow 
prisoners  at  New  York. 

8  ...    Set  out  from  Norwich  and  arrived  at  my 

own  house  —  found  my  family  well.  Oh 
that  I  may  Live  to  honour  and  praise  God 
all  the  days  of  my  Life  for  his  great  Deliver- 
ance in  Bringing  me  from  under  the  Iron 
Rod  of  my  enemies  from  the  Land  of  Tyranny 
and  Bondage :  that  he  has  kept  me  from  fall- 
ing a  sacrifice  to  their  vengeance. 
I  am  delivered  from  Captivity.  O  Bless  the 
Lord  O  my  Soul  and  let  his  Name  be  Praised 
for  ever. 

[From  Original  MSS.  in  Pension  Bureau,  Washington,  D.  C] 


Lieutenant  Babcock  had  contracted  the  small-pox  in 
New  York  and  died  at  his  home,  January  24,  1777.  Two 
of  his  children  soon  after  died  of  the  same  disease. 


202 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


No.  43 

SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE  TO  LORD  GERMAIN 

Head  Quarters,  York  Island,  Sept.  21,  1776. 

My  Lord 

I  have  the  satisfaction  to  inform  your  Lordship  of  his 
Majesty's  troops  being  in  possession  of  the  city  of  New  York. 

Upon  the  rebels  abandoning  their  lines  at  Brooklyn,  the 
King's  army  moved  from  Bedford,  leaving  Lieut.  Gen. 
Heister  encamped  upon  the  Heights  of  Brooklyn  with  two 
Brigades  of  Hessians,  and  one  Brigade  of  British  at  Bed- 
ford, and  took  five  positions  in  the  neighbourhood  of  New- 
town, Bushwick,  Hell  Gate,  and  Flushing. 

The  two  islands  of  Montresor  and  Buchannan  were 
occupied,  and  batteries  raised  against  the  enemy's  work  at 
Home's  Hook,  commanding  the  passage  at  Hell  Gate. 

On  the  15th  inst.  in  the  morning  three  ships  of  war 
passed  up  the  North  River  as  far  as  Bloomingdale,  to 
draw  the  enemy's  attention  to  that  side ;  and  the  first 
division  of  troops  consisting  of  the  light  infantry,  the 
British  reserve,  the  Hessian  grenadiers  and  chasseurs, 
under  the  command  of  Lieut.  Gen.  Clinton,  having  with 
him  Lieut.  Gen.  Earl  Cornwallis,  Major  Gen.  Vaughan, 
Brig.  Gen.  Leslie,  and  Colonel  Donop,  embarked  at  the 
head  of  New  Town  Creek,  and  landed  about  noon  upon 
New  York  Island,  three  miles  from  the  town,  at  a  place 
called  Kepp's  Bay,  under  the  fire  of  two  forty  gun  ships 
and  three  frigates,  viz.  Phoenix,  Roebuck,  Orpheus,  Carys- 
fort,  and  Rose,  Commodore  Hotham  having  the  direction 
of  the  ships  and  boats. 

The  rebels  had  troops  in  their  works  round  Kepp's  Bay  ; 
but  their  attention  being  engaged  in  expectation  of  the 


AUTHORITIES 


203 


King's  troops  landing  at  Stuyvesant's  Cove,  Horen's 
Hook,  and  at  Harlem,  which  they  had  reason  to  conclude, 
Kepp's  Bay  became  only  a  secondary  object  of  their  care. 
The  fire  of  the  shipping  being  so  well  directed  and  so 
incessant,  the  enemy  could  not  remain  in  their  works,  and 
the  descent  was  made  without  the  least  opposition.  The 
conduct  of  the  officers  of  the  navy  do  them  much  honor; 
and  the  behaviour  of  the  seamen  belonging  to  the  ships  of 
war  and  transports  employed  to  row  the  boats,  was 
highly  meritorious.  Much  praise  in  particular  is  due  to 
the  masters  and  men  of  six  transports,  that  passed  the 
town  on  the  evening  of  the  14th  under  a  heavy  fire,  being 
volunteers,  to  take  troops  on  board  for  the  more  speedy 
disembarkation  of  the  second  division. 

The  British  immediately  took  post  upon  the  command- 
ing height  of  Inclenberg,  and  the  Hessians  moving  towards 
New  York,  fell  in  with  a  body  of  the  rebels  that  were 
retiring  from  Stuyvesant's  Cove,  some  firing  ensued,  by 
which  a  Brigadier  General,  other  officers,  and  several  men 
of  the  rebels  were  killed  and  wounded,  with  the  loss  of 
four  men  killed,  and  eight  wounded  on  the  part  of  the 
Hessians.  As  soon  as  the  second  embarkation  was 
landed,  the  troops  advanced  towards  a  corps  of  the  enemy 
upon  a  rising  ground  three  miles  from  Inclenberg,  towards 
Kings-bridge,  having  McGowan's  pass  in  their  rear,  upon 
which  they  immediately  retired  to  the  main  body  of  their 
army  upon  Morris's  Height.  The  enemy  having  evac- 
uated New  York  soon  after  the  army  landed,  a  brigade 
took  possession  of  the  works  in  the  evening.  The 
prisoners  made  in  the  course  of  this  day  were  about  20 
officers  and  300  men. 

The  position  the  King's  army  took,  on  the  15th  in  the 
evening,  was  with  the  right  to  Horen's  Hook,  and  the 


204 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


left  at  the  North  River  near  to  Bloomingdale  ;  the  rebel 
army  occupying  the  ground  with  extensive  works  on  both 
sides  of  King's  bridge,  and  a  redoubt  with  cannon  upon  a 
height  on  the  west  side  of  the  North  River  opposite  to  the 
Blue  Bell,  where  the  enemy  have  their  principal  work ;  in 
which  positions  both  armies  still  continue. 

On  the  16th  in  the  morning  a  large  party  of  the 
enemy  having  passed  under  cover  of  the  woods  near  to 
the  advanced  posts  of  the  army  by  way  of  Vanderwater's 
Height,  the  2^  and  3**  battalions  of  light  infantry,  sup- 
ported by  the  42'''^  regiment  pushed  forward,  and  drove 
them  back  to  their  entrenchments,  from  whence  the 
enemy  observing  they  were  not  in  force,  attacked  them 
with  near  3000  men,  which  occasioned  the  march  of  the 
reserve  with  two  field  pieces,  a  battalion  of  Hessian  grena- 
diers and  a  company  of  chasseurs,  to  prevent  the  corps 
engaged  from  being  surrounded;  but  the  light  infantrj^ 
and  42'''^  regiment  with  the  assistance  of  the  chasseurs 
and  field  pieces  repulsed  the  enemy  with  considerable 
loss,  and  obliged  them  to  retire  within  their  works.  The 
enemy's  loss  is  not  ascertained;  but  from  the  accounts 
of  deserters  it  is  agreed,  that  they  had  not  less  than  300 
killed  and  wounded,  and  among  them  a  colonel  and  a 
major  killed.  We  had  eight  officers  wounded  most  of 
them  very  slightly;  fourteen  men  killed  and  about  70 
wounded. 

Maj.  Gen.  Vaughan  was  slightly  wounded  in  the  thigh 
on  the  15*^  by  a  random  shot,  as  he  was  ascending  the 
heights  of  Tnclenberg  with  the  grenadiers ;  and  I  have 
the  pleasure  of  informing  your  Lordship  that  Lieut.  Col. 
Monckton  is  so  well  recovered,  he  has  been  walking  about 
some  days. 

[Upcott  Collection,  IV.,  410,  N.  Y.  Historical  Society.  Jay  Pamphlet.] 


AUTHORITIES 


205 


No.  44 

FROM  Stewart's  sketches  of  the  Highlanders 

After  the  escape  of  the  enemy,  active  operations  were 
resumed  on  the  15th  of  September;  and  the  reserve, 
which  the  Royal  Highlanders  had  rejoined  after  the 
action  at  Brooklyn,  crossed  over  the  island  to  New  York, 
three  miles  above  the  town,  and,  after  some  opposition, 
took  post  on  the  heights.  The  landing  being  completed, 
the  Highlanders  and  Hessians,  who  were  ordered  to  ad- 
vance to  Bloomingdale,  to  intercept  the  enemy,  now 
retreating  from  New  York,  fell  in  with  and  captured  a 
corps  of  New  England  men  and  Virginians.  That  night 
the  regiment  lay  on  their  arms,  occasionally  skirmishing 
with  the  enemy.  On  the  16'^  the  light  infantry  were  sent 
out  to  dislodge  a  party  of  the  enemy,  which  had  taken 
possession  of  a  wood  facing  the  left  of  the  British.  The 
action  becoming  warm  towards  the  evening,  and  the 
enemy  pushing  on  reinforcements,  the  Highlanders  were 
sent  to  support  the  light  infantry,  when  the  Americans 
were  quickly  driven  back  to  their  entrenchments.  Per- 
ceiving that  our  force  was  small,  they  returned  to  the 
attack  with  3000  men  ;  but  these  were  likewise  repulsed, 
with  considerable  loss.  In  this  affair  our  loss  was  14 
killed,  and  5  officers  and  70  men  wounded. 

[Jay  Pamphlet.] 

No.  45 

FROM  HISTORICAL  RECORD  OF   THE   FORTY-SECOND,  OR 
THE  ROYAL  HIGHLAND,  REGIMENT  OF  FOOT 

Having  completed  the  capture  of  Long  Island,  the 
army  crossed  the  river  in  the  middle  of  September;  the 


206 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


Royal  Highlanders  being  with  the  leading  division,  landed 
above  New  York,  and  made  a  movement  towards  Bloom- 
ingdale,  to  intercept  the  retreating  Americans,  when  a 
corps  of  Virginians  and  New  England  men  were  captured. 
The  Highlanders  passed  the  night  under  arms,  occasion- 
ally skirmishing  with  the  enem}^ ;  and  the  commanding 
officer  Major  William  Murray,  narrowly  escaped  being 
made  prisoner.  He  was  passing  from  the  light  infantry 
battalion,  to  the  regiment,  and  was  beset  by  an  American 
officer  and  two  soldiers,  whom  he  kept  at  bay  some  time, 
but  they  eventually  closed  upon  him  and  threw  him  down  ; 
he  was  a  stout  man  of  great  strength  of  arm,  and  he 
wrenched  the  sword  out  of  the  American  officer's  hand, 
and  made  so  good  use  of  it  that  his  antagonists  fled, 
before  several  men  of  the  regiment,  who  heard  the  noise, 
could  come  to  his  assistance. 

On  the  following  day  the  regiment  was  ordered  to 
support  the  light  infantry  engaged  in  a  wood,  and  took 
part  in  driving  a  numerous  body  of  Americans  to  their 
intrenchments.  The  enemy  renewed  the  conflict  with 
augmented  numbers,  and  sustained  another  repulse  with 
a  severe  loss  in  killed  and  wounded.  This  being  only 
an  affair  of  out-posts,  no  detailed  account  of  it  was  given ; 
but  it  was  a  well-contested  action.  The  Forty-second 
had  one  Serjeant  and  three  rank  and  file  killed ;  Captains 
Duncan  McPherson  and  John  Mcintosh,  Ensign  Alexander 
McKenzie  (who  died  of  his  wounds),  three  Serjeants,  one 
piper,  two  drummers,  47  rank  and  file  wounded. 


[Jay  Pamphlet.] 


AUTHORITIES 


207 


No.  46 

CAPT.  GEORGE  HARRIS  OF  THE  FIFTH  BRITISH  REGIMENT 
TO  HIS  UNCLE  1 

After  landing  in  York  Island,  we  drove  the  Americans 
into  their  works  beyond  the  eight  mile-stone  from  New 
York,  and  thus  got  possession  of  the  best  half  of  the 
island.  We  took  post  opposite  to  them,  placed  our  pic- 
quets,  borrowed  a  sheep,  killed,  cooked,  and  ate  some  of  it 
and  then  went  up  to  sleep  on  a  gate,  which  we  took  the 
liberty  of  throwing  off  its  hinges,  covering  our  feet  with  an 
American  tent,  for  which  we  should  have  cut  poles  and 
pitched,  had  it  not  been  so  dark. 

The  16th  of  September  we  were  ordered  to  stand  to  our 
arms  at  eleven  a.m.  and  were  instantly  trotted  about 
three  miles  (without  a  halt  to  draw  breath),  to  support  a 
battalion  of  light  infantry,  which  had  imprudently  ad- 
vanced so  far  without  support  as  to  be  in  great  danger  of 
being  cut  off.  This  must  have  happened,  but  for  our 
haste.  So  dangerous  a  quality  is  courage  without  pru- 
dence for  its  guide ;  with  it,  how  noble  and  respectable  it 
makes  the  man.  But  to  return  to  our  narrative.  The 
instant  the  front  of  our  columns  appeared,  the  enemy 
began  to  retire  to  their  works,  and  our  light  infantry  to 
the  camp.  On  our  return  we  were  exposed  to  the  fire  of 
the  Americans.  A  man  in  my  company  had  his  hat  shot 
through  nearly  in  the  direction  of  my  wound,  but  the  ball 
merely  raised  the  skin ;  and  in  the  battalion  on  our  left  a 
man  was  shot  so  dead  when  lying  on  the  ground,  that  the 

1  Capt.  Harris  was  now  serving  with  the  Grenadiers.  The  Fifth 
llegt.  was  not  engaged  at  Harlem  Heights. 


208 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


next  man  did  not  perceive  it,  but  when  he  got  up  to  stand 
to  his  arms,  kicked  his  comrade,  thinking  he  was  asleep, 
and  then  found,  to  his  great  surprise,  that  he  was  quite 
dead,  a  ball  having  entered  under  the  ear,  and  very  little 
blood  having  issued  from  it. 

Before  we  started  in  the  morning,  our  dinner,  consisting 
of  a  goose  and  piece  of  mutton,  had  been  put  on  the  fire. 
The  moment  we  marched,  our  domestic  deposited  the 
above  named  delicacies  on  a  chaise,  and  followed  us  with 
it  to  our  ground.  When  the  fight  was  over,  he  again 
hung  the  goose  to  the  fire,  but  the  poor  bird  had  been 
scarcely  half  done,  when  we  were  ordered  to  return  to  our 
station.  There  again  we  commenced  cooking,  and  though 
without  dish,  plate,  or  knife  did  ample  justice  to  our  fare, 
which  we  washed  down  with  bad  rum  and  water,  and  then 
composed  ourselves  to  rest  on  our  friendly  gate.  Our 
baggage  joined  us  the  next  day. 

[Lushington's  Life  of  Lord  Harris,  p.  78.] 


No.  47 

FROM  STEDMAN's  HISTORY  OF  THE  AMERICAN  WAR 

On  the  morning  of  the  16th  September,  a  detachment 
was  sent  out  from  the  main  body  of  the  Americans  to  a 
wood  facing  the  left  flank  of  the  English  army.  Three 
companies  of  our  light  infantry  were  dispatched  to  dis- 
lodge them.  The  enemy,  with  a  seeming  intention  of 
retreating  to  the  main  body,  retired  into  the  interior  parts 
of  the  wood,  where  they  were  reinforced  by  another  detach- 
ment ;  which  made  it  necessary  that  the  remainder  of  the 
light  infantry,  with  the  42nd  regiment,  should  be  sent  to 


AUTHORITIES 


209 


support  the  companies  that  were  engaged.  The  action 
was  carried  on  by  reinforcements  on  both  sides,  and  be- 
came very  warm.  The  enemy,  however,  possessed  a  great 
advantage  from  the  circumstance  of  engaging  within  half 
a  mile  of  their  intrenched  camp,  whence  they  could  be 
supplied  with  fresh  troops  as  often  as  occasion  required. 
Victory,  nevertheless,  was  on  the  part  of  the  loyalists ;  and 
the  Americans  retreated  with  the  loss  of  three  hundred 
killed  and  wounded. 


No.  48 

GENERAL  HOWE's  ORDERS  AS  GIVEN  IN  ORDERLY  BOOK 
OF  THE  BRIGADE  OF  GUARDS 

Head         New  York  Island,  17*^  Sept^  1776. 
Parole  Blaney.  Countersign  Marlborough. 

A  return  of  killed  wounded  and  missing  on  the  IS'*"  & 
16*^  Ins-  to  be  given  in  to-morrow  at  orderly  Time  dis- 
tinguishing the  loss  of  each  day. 

The  Com"  in  Chief  entertains  the  highest  opinion  of 
the  Bravery  of  the  few  troops  that  yesterday  beat  back 
a  verry  superior  Body  of  the  Rebels,  and  he  desires  to 
return  Thanks  to  the  Batt°  and  to  the  Officers  and  Men 
of  the  Artillery  that  came  to  their  support,  with  that 
expedition  which  so  strongly  marks  the  prevailing  spirit 
in  the  Army,  and  which  properly  tempered  must  always 
insure  Success  to  his  Majesty's  arms.  But  at  the  same 
time  he  finds  himself  under  a  necessity  of  disapproving 
want  of  attention  in  the  Light  Companies  pursuing  the 
Rebels  without  that  proper  Discretion  to  be  observed 
when  there  is  not  troops  to  support, 
p 


210 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


Orders.    Sept.  21'',  1776. 

.  .  .  The  Hessian  Chasseurs  being  by  accident  omitted 
in  the  thanks  of  the  17'^  the  Gen'l  is  happy  to  take  the 
earliest  opportunity  of  acknowledging  their  alertness  &  of 
thanking  them  for  their  great  readiness  to  support  the 
Light  Infantry. 

[From  MSS.  Orderly  Book,  in  N.  Y.  Historical  Society  Library.] 


No.  49 

LETTER  FROM  NEW  YORK,  DATED  SEPTEMBER  23«i,  1776 

The  army  landed  on  the  15'^  of  Sept.  at  the  house  of 
Mr.  Foxcroft,  Postmaster  General,  in  Kip's  Bay.  The 
troops  immediately  took  possession  of  the  house  of  Mr. 
Robert  Murray,  the  Quaker's  House  on  Inkling  Barrack, 
a  very  strong  point.  Mr.  Washington's  men  were  driven 
from  the  posts  they  possessed  as  far  as  the  Hill,  with  a 
Hollow  way  on  its  right,  about  3  miles  short  of  Mount 
Morris  [161"'  St.]  at  which  place  and  near  the  Blue  Bell 
[Fort  Washington],  which  is  three  miles  from  King's 
Bridge,  they  are  strongly  posted.  Gen.  Howe's  Head 
Quarters  are  at  Lt.  Col.  James  Beekman's  House  on  the 
East  River  near  Turtle  Bay.  His  troops  are  throwing  up 
intrenchments  from  Jacob  Walton's  country  seat  at  Horn's 
Hook  at  Hell  Gate  across  the  whole  Island  to  Humphrey 
Jones  House  on  the  North  River. 

[From  the  St.  James  Chronicle,  London,  Nov.  16,  1776.] 


AUTHORITIES 


211 


No.  50 

JOURNAL    OF    LIEUTENANT-COLONEL    STEPHEN  KEMBLE, 
DEPUTY-ADJUTANT-GENERAL  BRITISH  FORCES 

Sunday,  Sept.  15''  [1776].  About  9  in  the  Morning  the 
Reserve,  33d  and  42d  Regiments  excluded,  embarked  in  Flat 
Boats  in  Newtown  Creek.  The  rest  of  the  Army  marched 
to  the  point  of  Land  opposite  to  Kipp's  Bay  and  embarked 
there,  the  1st  Brigade  and  71st  excepted,  who  were  left 
at  Hell  Gate.  About  12  the  whole  first  Landing  pulled 
to  the  Shore,  consisting  of  the  Reserve  and  Donop's  Corps, 
covered  by  two  40  Gun  Ships  and  three  Frigates,  whose 
fire  was  both  terrible  and  pleasing,  and  so  terrible  to  the 
Rebels  that  they  dare  not  come  within  half  a  Mile  of  the 
Shore  instead  of  defending  their  Lines  on  the  Shore.  As 
we  were  going  on  Shore  we  saw  a  party  of  about  500  hun- 
dred Rebels,  who  were  marching  in  great  haste  to  take 
possession  of  their  Works  in  the  Rear  of  Stuyvesant's 
House ;  suppose  them  to  be  the  People  that  afterwards 
fell  in  with  the  Hessians.  The  Light  Infantry  landed 
upon  the  Right  of  the  Bay,  got  up  a  Rock,  the  Grenadiers, 
&c,  in  it ;  the  Light  Infantry  took  possession  of  the  Post 
on  their  Right;  the  Grenadiers,  33d  and  42d  Marched 
thro'  to  Inclenberg  Hill,  and  the  Hessians  of  the  left, 
where  they  met  with  a  party  of  the  Rebels,  of  whom  they 
Killed  30  or  40  and  took  about  60  Prisoners.  The  Grena- 
diers met  with  a  small  party  and  exchanged  a  few  shot, 
Maj.  Gen.  Vaughan  the  only  person  Wounded  and  that 
Slightly.  Our  loss  the  whole  day  about  3  killed  and  16  or 
18  wounded.  The  advance  of  our  Army  Marched  to  the 
Black  Horse,  and  across  from  thence  by  Apthorp's  House 
to  North  River,  and  had  very  near  cut  off  Mr.  Putnam's 


212 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


Retreat,  who  brought  off  the  Rebel  Rear  Guard  from  New- 
York,  most  of  whom  and  their  Troops  in  general  got  off 
by  the  North  River  Road. 

On  a  Survey  of  their  Works  the  Day  after,  find  the 
whole  Coast  from  Kipp's  Bay  to  New  York  on  the  East 
River,  and  from  New  York  to  Little  Bloomingdale  [near 
Greenwich]  on  the  North  River,  fortified  with  a  Line  of 
Entrenchment,  except  where  the  Marshes  obstructed  it, 
with  a  Chain  of  Redoubts  and  Works  from  [Judge] 
Jones's  House,  across  the  Island  to  Lespenard's  and  Mor- 
timer's [Mortier's]  House  by  Bayard's  Mount  on  which 
they  have  a  Fort  called  Bunker's  Hill,  the  only  Work  of 
any  Consequence  or  strength  on  the  Island,  and  tolerably 
well  finished.  It  is  made  of  Sod.  All  the  rest  of  Works 
(which  are  innumerable)  appear  calculated  more  to  amuse 
than  for  use. 

Monday^  Sept.  16'*.  In  the  morning  a  Party  of  the 
Enemy  showed  themselves  at  Jones's  House;  were  in- 
considerately pursued  by  two  Companies  of  Light  Infantry 
who  Engaged  and  drove  a  very  Superior  Body  to  a  great 
distance,  supported  by  42d  Regiment  and  some  Light  In- 
fantry ;  were  fired  at  from  a  Breast  work,  and  it  not  being 
thought  proper  to  support  them,  were  ordered  to  Retreat. 
1  Serjeant  and  13  Privates  Killed;  2  Majors,  2  Captains,  7 
Subalterns,  5  Serjeants,  3  Drummers,  and  138  [Privates] 
Wounded.  This  day  took  possession  of  New  York,  found 
some  Flour  and  other  Stores  of  no  great  Consequence,  with 
some  Cannon  in  their  Redoubts,  but  those  of  little  use 
to  us. 

General  Robertson  Ordered  to  take  the  Command  in 
Town. 

["Kemble  Papers,"  Collections  N.  Y.  Historical  Society  (1883), 
Vol.  L,  p.  88.] 


AUTHORITIES 


213 


No.  51 

LETTER  FROM  CAPTAIN  WILLIAM  G.  EVELYN  OF  THE 
BRITISH  LIGHT  INFANTRY,  TO  HIS  AUNT,  MRS.  BOS- 
COWEN,  ENGLAND,  DATED  NEW  YORK  ISLAND,  SEP- 
TEMBER 24,  1776 

From  the  time  of  our  driving  the  rebels  out  of  Long 
Island,  they  daily  expected  an  attack  upon  York,  and  had 
so  strengthened  themselves  with  batteries  and  breastworks, 
that  they  looked  upon  a  landing  as  impracticable.  By  the 
disposition  General  Howe  had  made  of  the  troops,  they 
were  deceived  as  to  the  place  where  he  intended  to  make 
the  attack.  On  the  night  of  the  14th,  the  boats  were  sent 
quickly  up  the  river  to  a  creek,  opposite  of  which  live 
men-of-war  were  stationed.  We  marched  at  the  same 
time,  and  embarked  in  the  morning.  We  rowed  a  con- 
siderable way  up  the  river,  higher  than  where  we  were  to 
land,  and  made  fast  the  boats  to  some  transports  till  the 
whole  should  come  up,  by  which  the  rebels  were  deceived, 
and  drew  themselves  up  in  their  works  to  receive  us.  On 
a  certain  signal  we  all  pushed  off  together,  and  at  the 
same  instant  the  men-of-war  began  such  a  fire  as  nothing 
could  withstand.  The  Light  Infantry,  in  the  headmost 
boats,  gained  a  high  and  steep  rock,  which  they  ascended 
and  secured  a  safe  landing  for  the  rest  of  the  troops  [at 
Kip's  Bay].  They  were  followed  by  the  Grenadiers, 
Hessians  and  Artillery,  and  afterwards  by  the  body  of  the 
army.  The  rebels,  upon  the  firing  of  the  ships  (which  is 
not  to  be  described),  and  upon  seeing  the  troops  gain  the 
shore,  fled  in  the  greatest  confusion.  Their  garrisons  in 
New  York  abandoned  it  with  the  utmost  precipitation. 


214 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


leaving  their  forts,  their  cannon,  and  a  quantity  of  military 
stores,  and  that  evening  a  brigade  of  ours  took  possession 
of  the  town. 

We  advanced  two  or  three  miles,  the  rebels  retiring 
before  us,  till  they  left  us  the  ground  which  the  General 
wished  to  occupy,  which  is  a  strong  pass  between  the 
north  and  east  rivers,  about  seven  miles  from  New  York 
[McGowan's  Pass].  The  rebels  are  on  the  opposite  hills, 
and  extend  from  thence  to  Kingsbridge,  burying  them- 
selves in  entrenchments,  in  which  they  place  their  only 
security.  The  taking  of  the  island  and  town  of  New  York 
without  any  loss,  though  above  fifty  thousand  men  were 
prepared  to  defend  them,  must  be  considered  as  a  consum- 
mate piece  of  generalship ;  and  the  execution  of  it,  be- 
tween the  amazing  fire  from  the  shipping,  the  confusion 
and  the  dismay  of  the  rebels,  the  Light  Infantry  clamber- 
ing up  the  steep  and  just  accessible  rocks,  the  water  cov- 
ered with  boats  full  of  armed  men  pressing  eagerly  towards 
the  shore,  was  certainly  one  of  the  grandest  and  most  sub- 
lime scenes  ever  exhibited.  This  easy  victory  was  not 
sufficient  to  satisfy  the  eagerness  and  impetuosity  of  our 
men. 

The  next  day  [the  16th],  a  few  companies  of  Light 
Infantry  were  prompted  to  attack  a  party  of  the  rebels, 
and  with  more  ardour  than  discretion,  pushed  them  to 
their  very  lines,  where  they  were  supported  by  their  can- 
non, and  by  three  or  four  thousand  men.  This  obliged  us 
to  support  our  people  and  brought  on  a  skirmish,  in  which 
we  had  nine  or  ten  men  killed,  a  few  officers  and  about 
ninety  men  wounded,  and  [which]  answered  no  other  end 
than  to  prove  our  superiority  even  in  their  beloved  woods, 
as  the  ground  we  gained  we  did  not  want,  but  went  back 
at  night  to  that  we  had  left  in  the  morning. 


AUTHORITIES 


215 


CAPTAIN  EVELYN  TO  HIS  MOTHER,  SEPT.  25th,  1776 

********* 
Since  niy  last  letter  to  you,  we  have  had  an  action  with 
the  rebels,  in  which  we  totally  defeated  them,  with  great 
loss  on  tlieir  parts  and  very  little  on  ours,  and  drove  them 
entirely  off  Long  Island.  The  part  of  the  army  in  which 
I  am  was  chiefly  engaged.  I  was  lucky  enough  to  come 
off  unhurt,  but  had  six  of  my  men  killed  and  wounded. 
Those  who  escaped  of  the  rebels  retired  to  New  York. 
On  the  15th  of  this  month,  we  attacked  that  island  in  our 
boats  ;  and  notwithstanding  they  expected  our  coming,  we 
landed  under  cover  of  the  men-of-war,  without  losing  a 
man,  drove  the  rebels  in  great  confusion  to  the  further 
end  of  the  island,  and  now  keep  possession  of  York  and 
the  country  seven  miles  from  it. 

[From  "The  Evelyns  in  America,"  edited  by  G.  D.  Scull.    Printed  for 
private  circulation  by  Parker  and  Co.,  Oxford,  England,  1881.]  i 

No.  52 

VICE-ADMIRAL    EARL    HOWE    TO    MR.    STEVENS.  DATED 
"  EAGLE,"  NEW  YORK  RIVER,  SEPTEIVIBER  18,  1776 

I  have  the  satisfaction  of  being  able  to  inform  their 
Lordships  that  a  disposition  having  been  made  for  landing 
the  army  on  York  Island,  on  the  morning  of  the  15%  the 
Captains  Parker  and  Wallace,  whose  abilities  and  dis- 
tinguished resolution  point  them  out  for  the  most  impor- 

1  In  the  same  work,  p.  321,  there  is  this  item  in  the  journal  of  a 
British  Officer:  "  Sept.  \Qth  —  This  day  there  was  a  smart  action  near 
Bloomingdale,  in  which  the  Light  Infantry  suffered ;  but,  on  being 
supported  by  the  reserve,  under  the  Honble.  Major-General  Vaughan, 
the  rebels  were  defeated  with  great  loss." 


216 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


tant  services,  with  the  Captains  Fanshaw,  Ilamond  and 
Hudson,  officers  of  great  merit,  passed  the  fire  of  the  town 
of  New  York  with  their  ships  on  the  evening  of  the  13% 
to  wait  off  Bushwyck  Creek,  opposite  to  Kepp's  Bay, 
where  the  landing  was  proposed  to  be  forced  in  the  East 
River.  .  .  . 

The  pilots  declining,  on  account  of  the  strength  of  the 
tide,  to  take  charge  of  the  particular  covering  ships  that 
were  intended  to  be  placed  towards  Hell-Gate  for  coun- 
tenancing the  appearance  of  a  descent  on  that  part  of  the 
coast,  all  were  placed  in  the  Kepp's  Bay  on  the  morning 
of  the  15"",  and  having,  by  the  effect  of  their  well-directed 
fire,  compelled  the  Rebels  to  quit  their  entrenchments 
upon  the  shore,  the  debarkation  was  made  without  further 
opposition.  .  .  . 

In  order  to  facilitate  the  operations  of  the  army  in  the 
East  River,  another  detachment  of  the  ships  of  war  was 
appointed  by  the  General's  desire,  to  proceed  up  the  North 
River  to  give  jealousy  to  the  enemy  on  this  side.  The 
Renoun^  Captain  Banks,  with  the  Captains  Davis  and 
Wilkinson  in  the  Repulsp.  and  Pearly  were  ordered  for 
that  purpose.  They  passed  the  enemy's  battery  without 
material  injury  early  on  the  15%  to  a  station  about  six 
miles  to  the  northward  of  the  town.  On  the  ensuing 
night  the  enemy  directed  four  fire-vessels  in  succession 
against  them,  but  with  no  other  effect  than  of  obliging  the 
ships  to  move  their  stations,  the  Repulse  excepted.  The 
Renoun  returned  on  this  side  the  town,  but  the  two  frig- 
ates remain  still  in  the  North  River,  with  the  Tryal 
armed  schooner,  to  strengthen  the  left  flank  of  the  army, 
extending  to  the  western  shore  of  York  Island,  as  circum- 
stances will  admit. 
[From  Force's  American  Archives,  Fifth  Series,  Vol.  II.,  pp.  379-380.] 


AUTHORITIES 


217 


No.  53 

LETTERS  FROM  CAPTAIN  FRANCIS  HUTCHESON,  ASSISTANT 
SECRETARY  TO  SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE,  TO  A  FRIEND  IN 
ENGLAND  ^ 

Camp  at  the  Watering  Place  on  Statton  Island, 
July  10,  1776. 

Dear  Sir, 

I  wrote  you  by  the  Packet  that  sailed  on  the  10'^  of  last 
month,  the  day  we  sailed  from  Halifax,  and  have  now  the 
pleasure  to  acquaint  you  of  the  safe  arrival  of  the  fleet  at 
Sandy  Hook  the  29  Ins*  after  an  agreeable  passage  of  19 
days.  We  found  Governor  Tryon  at  the  Hook  on  board 
the  Dutches  of  Gordon;  he  has  with  him  Mr.  Barrow, 
Mr.  Kemp,  Oliver  Delancy,  Mr.  Apthorp  &  Major  Beyard. 
The  three  last  Gentleman  made  their  escape  in  a  Cannoe 
from  Apthorp's  house  to  the  Assia  lying  below  the  Nar- 
row, about  ten  nights  ago.  Hugh  &  Alex!  Wallace  are 
hiding  on  Long  Island,  and  Billy  Bayard  in  Orange 
County.  Captain  Kennedy  is  at  his  house  at  Second 
River  and  every  hour  threatened  with  destruction.  H. 
Wallace  was  taken  up  about  three  Weeks  ago  &  brought 
before  the  commity  on  Long  Island,  from  whom  he  found 
means  to  procure  his  discharge,  otherwise  he  wou'd  have 
been  imprisoned.  Mr.  Prevost  remains  quiet  at  his  house 
in  the  Jerseys ;  the  Governor  &  people  here  are  surprised 
how  he  finds  means  to  do  it.  I  wish  he  had  come  off  with 
other  people.  New  York  is  deserted  by  all  the  inhabitants 
who  are  friends  to  Government,  and  it  is  now  in  possession 
of  Washington  &  Lord  Sterling  at  the  head  of  about  ten 
thousand  Connecticut  &  New  England  Rebells ;  they  have 

^  This  friend  was  doubtless  Mr.  John  Mortier,  as  he  speaks  of  his 
house  at  "  Richmond  Hill." 


218 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


fortified  the  town  &  all  the  hights  on  Long  Island  oppo- 
site to  it.  The  fleet  came  up  from  the  Hook  opposite  to 
the  little  town  of  New  Utrick  in  Gravesend  Bay  on  Long 
Island  the  first  Ins*  where  a  landing  was  intended  but 
from  a  want  of  waters  on  the  Island  &  the  length  of  the 
March  from  thence  to  town  it  was  (I  believe)  thought 
better  to  proceed  through  the  Narrows  and  land  on  this 
Island,  which  was  effected  in  the  evening  of  the  2°.*^  Ins! 
without  the  least  opposition.  A  few  Riffle  men  made 
their  escape  on  our  aproach,  and  all  the  inhabitants  have 
since  come  in  to  us  and  shew  the  Greatest  Satisfaction 
on  our  Arrival,  which  has  relieved  them  from  the  most 
horrid  oprestion  that  can  be  conceaved.  The  few  Rebels 
that  were  on  this  Island  displayed  at  the  hights  in  the 
Narrows  the  Continental  Collours,  which  made  us  believe 
they  had  a  good  Battery  on  that  Commanding  Ground, 
but  on  our  aproach,  the  Colours  were  pulled  down,  and 
the  trifling  brestwork  that  was  thrown  up  we  found 
deserted ;  its  immaising  they  did  not  fortify  the  Narrows, 
which  would  have  anoyed  us  greatly;  they  fired  a  few 
shot  on  some  of  the  ships  as  they  came  through  from  the 
Long  Island  side  without  doing  any  mischieff.  The  Army 
is  now  all  landed  and  Cantooned  all  round  the  Island. 
The  Head  Q"  is  on  the  Road  to  lizabeth  town  [at]  the 
House  a  Mr  Hicks  formerly  lived  in,  but  lately  occupied 
by  a  Mf  Banker  of  New  York,  who  was  a  member  of  the 
Provincial  Congress ;  he  is  treated  to  a  on  board  one 
of  the  men  of  war,  and  General  Howe  has  taken  care  to 
give  orders  for  his  Reception.  Lord  Percy  commands  the 
Troops  in  the  center  of  the  Island ;  his  Head  Q"  at  Rich- 
mond. Gen!  Robertson  with  the  first  Brigade  from  the 
Landing  along  the  Road  to  the  Dutch  church.  General 
Picket  with  the  second  at  the  blazing  star.     Gen'.  Jones 


AUTHORITIES 


219 


with  the  S^.  from  the  Dutch  church  to  Eliz^  feny.  Genf 
Grant  with  the  forth  Brigade  on  the  road  to  Amboy. 
Brigadier  Smith  with  the  fifth  Brigade,  from  the  landing 
at  the  Watering  place  to  the  Narrows,  and  Brigadier 
Agnew  with  the  Brigade  at  Billop's  ferry  opposite  to 
the  tower  of  Amboy.  Brigadf  Cleaveland  with  the 
Artillery  and  broken  Corps  at  and  about  the  Watering 
place,  near  which  I  am  incamped  with  the  people  em- 
ployed in  the  Q/:  Mr  General's  Department;  Sherreff 
is  with  the  General  at  Head  Q".  It  is  said  our  Army 
will  remain  in  their  present  Cantoonment,  untill  the  ar- 
rival of  the  Fleet  from  Europe  under  Lord  Howe,  which 
is  hourly  expected.  The  New  Yorkers  who  are  friends  to 
Government  are  very  apprehensive  the  New  England  men 
will  set  fire  to  the  town,  as  soon  as  they  find  they  can  no 
longer  keep  possession  of  it.  Mr  Dogab  [?]  the  once  favor- 
ate  at  New  York,  is  now  in  disgrace  among  them,  and 
Donald  Campbell  was  last  week  tried  at  Philadelphia  by 
a  Gen!  Court  Martial  for  his  conduct  in  Canada;  he  is 
dismissed  from  his  Dejj?"  Ql"  Mr  Generals  Appointment  & 
Rank  of  Colonel  in  the  Rebel  Army,  and  is  as  much 
despised  by  them  now,  as  he  is  by  us. 

General  Washington  has  taken  up  his  Summer  Quarters 
at  your  house  on  Richmond  Hill;  his  town  Residence  is 
General  Robertsons,  on  the  top  of  which  they  display 
the  Continental  Colours.  Governor  Franklin  is  made 
prisoner  in  his  house  at  Amboy ;  we  are  told  there  are 
thousands  in  the  Jerseys  will  join  us  as  soon  as  we  get 
footing  in  that  Province ;  several  partys  have  come  over 
to  us  since  our  landing  from  Amboy  and  Schrosbury,  with 
Capt.  Stephenson  late  of  our  Regiment,  and  Lieu^  Morris 
late  of  the  47  ^  Reg*  on  half  pay. 

********* 


220 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


I  have  just  now  come  from  dining  with  Governor  Tryon 
at  Robertson's,  where  I  met  Barrow  and  all  the  Refugees. 
Barrow  desires  I  will  present  you  his  best  respects,  they 
all  remember  you  with  great  Regard ;  he  tells  me  its  his 
opinion  that  nine  out  of  the  13  Provinces  will  declare  for 
Government  before  the  last  day  of  November. 

Camp  at  the  Watering  Place  on  Statton  Island, 
July  28,  1776. 

Dear  Sir^ 

I  wrote  you  the  8*.^  [10'.^  ?]  of  this  month  by  Col.  Blunt 
who  sailed  in  the  Packet  with  the  Generals  dispatches, 
and  I  now  take  the  oppertunity  of  a  ship  to  Ireland  to 
inclose  you  a  copy  of  Lord  Howe's  declaration  which  he 
published  on  his  arrival  the  12'^  Ins*.  Just  as  he  was  com- 
ing thro'  the  Narrows,  the  ships  was  firing  on,  &  passing 
New  York.  Little  material  has  passed  since  ;  numbers  of 
people  come  every  night  from  the  Jerseys  &  Long  Island, 
who  tell  us  there  were  great  discontents  at  the  declaration 
of  independance  and  that  great  numbers  will  join  us  at 
our  geting  footing  at  New  York,  Long  Island,  or  the 
Jerseys,  when  they  can  get  tons  without  Risque  of  being 
taken  in  the  attempt.  As  I  could  not  get  the  last  New 
York  Newspaper  to  send  you,  inclosed  you  have  some 
extracts  from  it,  which  will  shew  you  the  lengths  they 
have  gone  and  what  they  have  long  aimed  at. 

New  Utrecht,  Long  Island 
August  26,  1776. 

Dear  Sir^ 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  acquaint  you  that  our  Army 
landed  on  this  Island  in  Gravesend  Bay  the  23"?  Inst! 
without  any  opposition.  The  Light  Infantry,  Granidiers, 
&  Donops  Corps  of  Hessians  &  Higliland  Brigade  took 


AUTHORITIES 


221 


port  that  evening  at  Flat  Bush  where  General  Clinton 
commands ;  the  Head  Q"  was  at  the  same  time  established 
here.  We  have  now  possession  of  all  this  part  of  the 
Island,  from  Denice's  House  at  the  Narrows,  to  Graves  End 
Church ;  the  Hessian  jaegers  &  our  Light  Infantry  have 
had  some  skermeshing  with  the  Rebels,  who  make  their 
appearance  at  the  Edge  of  the  Wood,  which  you  know 
runs  across  the  Road  between  Mr.  Axtel's  House  &  the 
ferry ;  the  Rebels  have  burnt  several  Houses  &  all  the 
corn  on  the  scerts  of  the  Wood.  Several  of  the  New 
York  principal  men  who  have  been  some  time  hiding  have 
got  to  us,  particularly  Mr.  Axtel  &  Beach.  The  Army 
will,  I  believe,  move  tomorrow,  more  towards  the  middle 
of  the  Island,  when  I  hope  more  of  the  Inhabitants  will 
join  us ;  there  is  not  one  hundred  as  yet,  nor  have  we  been 
able  to  collect  as  many  Waggons  with  Horses,  which  you 
know  is  not  more  than  one-fifth  of  what  is  necessary  to 
move  this  Army.  The  fatigue  I  am  obliged  to  go  through 
is  beyond  conception  but  I  will  see  it  out.  I  write  this 
Letter  in  expectation  of  an  opportunity  of  sending  it. 

Camp  at  Turtle  Bay  near  New  York, 
Sept.  24,  1776. 

Dear  Sh% 

On  Sunday  the  15*^  Inst-  the  Army  landed  at  Kipsis 
Bay  from  the  opposite  shore  on  Long  Island,  under  the 
fire  of  four  Men  of  War,  and  tho'  the  Rebels  made  a  shew 
for  some  time  of  maning  their  extensive  Works,  they 
soon  abandoned  the  whole,  and  fled  to  the  Hights  near 
the  Blewbell  above  Harlem,  where  they  have  made  some 
strong  works,  and  still  remain;  our  advanced  post  is  at 
the  Black  Horse  tavern  and  the  Army  is  posted  from 
the  North  to  the  East  Rivers  quite  across  the  Country 
above  Mr.  Apthorps.    We  had  but  4  kilFd  &  14  wounded 


222 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


of  the  Hessian  troops  in  this  great  success,  but  the  next 
day  (the  16'?')  the  Light  Infantry  advancing  a  little  too 
far,  were  attacked  by  a  large  body  by  which  we  lost  9 
Kill'd  &  about  70  Wounded ;  however  they  kept  their 
ground  till  supported  by  the  Granidiers  and  brought  of  all 
their  wounded,  killed  60  of  the  Rebells,  and  took  about  51 
Prisoners  —  We  immediately  took  possession  of  New  York 
and  all  their  Works  which  are  numerous  beyond  descrip- 
tion. On  the  21"  at  Niofht  some  Hellish  Villians  set  fire 
to  the  town  near  the  White  Hall  Slip ;  the  wind  blowing 
hard  drove  the  flames  with  such  Rapidity  that  nothing 
could  stop  it,  all  that  part  of  the  town  where  Mr.  Watts 
House  stood,  with  the  houses  in  Broadway  &  West  side  of 
Broad  Street  and  all  the  North  River  as  far  as  Vaux  Hall 
is  consumed.  Kennedys,  Halletts,  Col.  Reeds  &  two  or 
three  Houses  joining  are  all  that  escaped  as  far  as  St. 
Pauls  Church.  What  adds  to  the  misfortune,  they  are 
chiefly  the  friends  to  government  who  have  suffered ; 
several  of  the  Villians  have  been  detected,  &  have  suffered 
the  fate  they  deserve.  I  am  sorry  to  acquaint  you  that 
your  furniture  left  at  Richmond  Hill  was  not  sold. 
Washington  lived  in  the  house  all  Summer  and  made  use 
of  it ;  some  of  the  tables  &  chairs  he  had  in  Gen!  Robert- 
son's house  &  was  consumed  in  it,  and  on  the  Night  before 
we  landed  he  quited  Richmond  hill,  left  it  open,  &  the 
Rebells  in  their  retreat,  took  many  things  out  of  it,  and 
broke  all  the  glasses.  As  soon  as  I  could,  I  got  a  safe 
guard  to  it,  which  still  remains,  and  everything  left  will 
be  safe,  a  return  of  which  I  will  send  you  &  will  dispose 
of  the  whole  the  best  for  your  advantage.  Both  the 
Wallises  are  prisoners,  &  M"  Wallace  tells  me  they  have 
the  list  of  all  was  left  in  the  house. 

[From  the  Haldiman  MSS.,  British  Museum.] 


AUTHORITIES 


223 


No.  54 

FROM  THE  JOURNAL  OF  CAPT.  JOHN  MONTRESOR,  ENGI- 
NEER AND  AID  TO  HOWE 

The  16th  Sept.,  1776,  the  action  on  Vande water's  Height, 
near  Harlaem,  on  New  York  Island,  I  procured  two  3 
Pounders,  Brass,  with  Lt :  Wallace,  Royal  Artillery.  No 
horses  being  near  McGowns's,  where  the  Guns  were,  had 
them  hauled  by  hand,  and  brought  into  action  to  face  the 
Enemy,  who  were  attempting  to  cut  off  our  Left,  and  get- 
ting round  us  between  our  Left  and  Hudson's  River. 
The  proposal  was  my  own,  and  had  its  desired  effect,  no 
other  Guns  being  in  the  Field,  and  60  rounds  from  each 
were  fired. 

[Collections  of  the  N.  Y.  Historical  Society,  1881,  p.  121.] 


No.  55 

EXTRACTS  FROM  ORDER  BOOK  OF  BRITISH  GUARDS,  1776 

Sept.  20.  All  the  facines  and  pickets  to  be  carried  to 
Jones's  house  near  the  North  River  and  to 
Major  Musgroves  advanced  post  to  the  left 
of  McGowan's  House. 
21.  A  working  party  of  400  men  will  parade  to 
morrow  and  march  to  McGowans  House 

23.  All  remaining  fascines  to  be  sent  to  Jones' 

House 

24.  The  working  party  at  McGowan's  Hill  to  con- 

sist of  200  men  only  until  further  orders 

25.  The  working  i)arty  at  McGowans  Hill  will  con- 

sist of  100  men  only  till  further  orders. 


224  BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 

Sept.  28.  A  working  party  of  100  men  to  parade  at  day- 
break on  the  Road  to  the  right  of  Jones's 
House 

30.    50  more  men  to  be  added  to  the  working  party 
to  the  right  of  Jones's  House 
Oct.     2.    100  facines  with  pickets  to  be  sent  as  soon  as 
possible  to  the  Rock  Redoubt  on  the  Right 
of  Jones's  House 
4.    A  Corporal  &  6  men  to  be  posted  this  evening 
at  gun  firing  by  Capt.  Emerick  at  the  North 
River  Shore  near  Little  Bloomingdale  to  al- 
low no  boats  to  ply  without  a  proper  pass  ;  a 
guide  will  conduct  the  relief  in  the  morning 
6.    50  men  only  to  work  at  Jones's  House 
11.    Lieut  Gen.  Earl  Percy  is  to  command  on  N.  Y. 
Island  &  parts  adjacent.^ 

[MSS.  Book,  N.  Y.  Historical  Society.] 


No.  56 

HESSIAN  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  ACTION 

On  the  16th  of  September  quite  a  brisk  fight  took  place 
on  York  Island.    The  Americans  on  the  morning  of  this 

1  From  the  Mag.  of  Am.  History,  1882  : 

"  This  is  to  certify  that  the  Regiment  Prince  Hereditary  of  Hessian 
consisting  of  one  Collonel,  one  Major,  Two  Capitains,  Fifteen  Subal- 
derns  and  five  hundred  ninty  two  Rank  and  file,  included  artillerie, 
Encamped  at  Bloumendall  &  the  Estate  of  Mr  Jones  the  21  day  of 
September  1776  and  there  furnished  whit  firewood  from  the  same 
Estate  to  the  5  day  of  Decemb  following 

B  LUDEWIG 

Lf".  M°.  Major 

Von  Hackenberg 
Colonel" 


AUTHORITIES 


225 


day  sent  from  their  camp  a  strong  detachment  which 
came  out  of  the  wood  and  attacked  our  left  wing.  The 
second  and  third  regiments  of  Light  Infantry  supported 
by  the  42d  Regiment  (Highlanders)  moved  out  and  drove 
the  enemy  back  into  their  entrenchments.  The  latter  did 
this  intentionally  to  entice  the  pursuers  deeper  into  the 
wood  where  a  stronger  division  was  already  concealed  for 
their  support,  computed  at  three  thousand  men.  Gen. 
Leslie,  who  was  in  command  of  the  British,  soon  encoun- 
tered a  severe  resistance.  Col.  von  Donop  as  well  as  the 
British  Regiments  next  in  line  to  him  received  orders  to 
move  up  to  their  support ;  the  former  moved  up  with  his 
Yagers  and  the  Grenadier  battalion  of  Linsingen,  while 
he  sent  off  the  two  other  grenadier  battalions  of  von  Block 
and  von  ^linnigerode  to  occupy  the  defile  on  the  road  to 
King's  Bridge. 

The  Yagers  who  swarmed  forward  soon  came  into  a 
hot  contest  on  Hoyland's  Hill  —  when,  however,  the  Lin- 
singen battalion  moved  up  to  their  support  the  Americans 
retired.  The  Yagers  had  eight  wounded,  among  them 
Lt.  Heinrichs.  The  Yagers  and  the  battalions  of  Grena- 
diers bivouacked  in  the  wood  not  far  from  Bloomingdale, 
and  when  the  next  morning  the  two  other  grenadier 
battalions  came  up  to  Donop  with  his  brigade  encamped 
here.  The  Hessians  here  helped  the  British  out  of  the 
mire.  Donop,  usually  so  modest,  says  in  his  report  to 
General  von  Heister : 

"But  for  my  Yagers,  two  Regiments  of  Highlanders 
and  the  British  infantry  would  have  all,  perhaps,  been 
captured,  for  they  were  attacked  by  a  force  four  times 
their  number;  and  Gen.  Leslie  had  made  a  great  blunder 
in  sending  these  brave  fellows  so  far  in  advance  in  the 
woods  without  support." 


226 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


On  this  occasion  Capt"  Wredon  and  Lorey  especially 
distinguished  themselves  —  the  former  went  twenty  paces 
in  advance  of  the  Yagers  in  the  firing  line,  and  the  latter 
shot  down  the  leader  of  the  hostile  battalion,  upon  which 
they  turned  their  backs  and  fled. 

The  enemy  lost  about  three  hundred  killed  and  wounded, 
among  whom  were  Colonel  Knowlton  and  Major  Leitch 
both  of  whom  died  soon  after  of  their  wounds.  Our  loss 
amounted  to  14  dead  and  78  wounded  —  among  the  latter, 
7  English  officers.^ 

[Translated  from  Die  deutschen  Hiilfstruppen  im  nordamerikanischen 
Befreiungskriege,  1776  bis  1783.  Von  Max  von  Elking,  corresponding 
member  N.  Y.  Historical  Society.    Jay  Pamphlet.] 


No.  57 

FROM  REPORT  OF  MAJOR  C.  L.  BAURMEISTBR 

In  detached  Camp  near  Hell  Gate 
24  Sept.  1776. 

On  the  16th  (Sept)  the  enemy  encamped  before  Fort 
Washington  in  pretty  good  order;  the  left  wing  extend- 
ing to  Harlem.  From  Fort  Washington  an  entrenchment 
to  King's  Bridge,  by  which  they  secured  a  further  retreat 
under  the  protection  of  the  said  fort.  The  English  Light 
Infantry  advanced  too  quickly  on  the  retreat  of  the  enemy 
and  at  Bruckland  Hill  fell  into  an  ambuscade  of  four 
thousand  men,  and  if  the  Grenadiers  and  especially  the 
Hessian  Yagers  had  not  arrived  in  time  to  help  them  no 
one  of  these  brave  Light  Infantry  would  have  escaped. 
They  lost  70  dead  and  200  wounded  —  the  enemy  must 

^  From  the  Journal  of  General  von  Heister  and  the  Diary  of  Cap- 
tain von  Walzbiirg. 


AUTHORITIES 


227 


have  lost  very  severely,  because  no  Yager  had  any  ammu- 
nition left,  and  all  the  Highlanders  had  fired  their  last 
shot.  A  lieutenant  of  the  Yagers,  Henrichs,  was  wounded 
in  the  left  side  and  also  four  Yagers.  By  the  Parole  of 
the  17""  Genl.  Howe,  noticing  his  satisfaction  on  the  happy 
landing,  found  it  necessary  to  recommend  the  corps  under 
the  command  of  General  Leslie  to  be  not  only  brave  but 
more  prudent.  The  British  at  Bloomingdale  encamped 
in  two  lines.  Some  of  the  enemy's  baggage  and  wagons 
with  flour  were  taken. 

[From  original  MSS.  in  possession  of  the  late  Hon.  George  Bancroft. 
Jay  Pamphlet.  ] 


No.  58 

LIEUT.  JOHN  HEINRICHS  TO  A.  L.  SCHLOZER 

New  York  Island,  in  the  district  of  Harlem,  5  English  miles 
from  the  City  of  New  York,  and  100  yards  from  Hornhogk  on  the 
East  River,  Sept.  18,  1776. 

Last  Sunday  (Sept  15)  we  landed  under  the  thunder- 
ing rattle  of  5  men-of-war,  in  flat  boats  from  Long  Island, 
on  New  York  Island,  about  4  miles  from  New  York  city. 
As  skirmishers  we  usually  formed  the  advance-guard,  etc. 
Briefly;  in  the  afternoon  this  part  of  the  island  was  ours. 
But  just  as  we  were  about  going  into  quarters,  the  rebels 
caused  a  new  alarm,  and  we  were  obliged  to  turn  out.  I  had 
the  right  wing  of  the  out-post;  we  marched  towards  King's 
Bridge,  consequently  I  came  close  on  the  East  River,  which 
is  lined  with  the  finest  houses.  I  had  the  pleasure  of  tak- 
ing possession  of  all  these  houses,  together  with  the  hostile 
battery,  where  I  found  5  cannons;  the  rebels  all  fled.  All 
the  houses  were  crammed  with  furniture,  rural  riches,  and 


228 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


jewels;  the  people  however  had  all  fled,  and  left  their 
slaves  behind.  But  the  next  day  one  proprietor  after 
another  came  back  and  joyful  tears  of  gratitude  rolled 
down  the  faces  of  these  formerly  happy  people,  when  they 
found  again  their  houses,  fruits,  cattle,  and  all  their  furni- 
ture, and  heard  from  one  that  I  had  merely  taken  posses- 
sion for  them,  and  delivered  their  property  back  to  their 
hands. 

The  next  day  the  rebels  4000  men  strong  advanced 
against  our  out-posts,  and  we  sustained  a  severe  fire,  until 
towards  the  afternoon,  when  they  were  driven  away,  as  I 
afterwards  heard;  for  at  one  o'clock  I  was  compelled  to 
withdraw,  as  I  was  shot  by  a  rifle-ball  in  the  left  side 
of  the  breast  4  fingers  distant  from  the  heart.  To  whom 
could  I  more  safely  go,  and  who  would  receive  me  in  a 
more  friendly  manner  than  they  who  had  but  yesterday 
called  me  their  benefactor,  their  preserver?  As  I  do  not 
like  noise,  now  still  less  than  ever ;  I  selected  for  myself, 
although  I  could  have  chosen  palaces,  a  small  house  on  the 
East  River,  to  which  the  widow  of  a  New  York  preacher, 
Oglyby,  had  fled  with  a  numerous  family  of  children  and 
step-children.  Not  far  distant  was  the  house  or  rather  the 
palace  of  her  old  father,  who  had  a  storehouse  full  of  porce- 
lain, wine,  and  brandy,  but  had  lost  nothing  from  it. 

All  these  people  came  back  last  evening;  and  the  emo- 
tion I  felt  on  seeing  mother  and  children,  grandfather  and 
grandchildren,  &c.  down  to  the  black  children  of  the  slaves, 
hugging  and  kissing  each  other,  so  affected  my  wound, 
that  I  got  a  fever  in  the  night.  Not  to  be  thought  of  are 
the  flatteries  the  good  people  showered  on  me  which  I  did 
not  deserve,  as  I  acted  only  according  to  orders. 

[Translated  from  Schlozer's  Brief wechsel  meist  historischen  und  poli- 
tischen  Inhalts,  Vol.  H.,  Part  vii.,  p.  99.    Jay  Pamphlet.] 


AUTHORITIES 


229 


No.  59 

EXTRACT  FROM  THE  JOURNAL  OF  THE  HESSIAN  SOLDIER, 
JOHN  REUBER,  BELONGING  TO  RALL'S  GRENADIER 
REGIMENT  IN  1776 

********* 

26.  October,  the  second  Division  under  command  of 
General  Von  Kniphausen  with  his  fleet,  arrived  before 
New  York,  and  landed  and  marched  to  Kingsbridge  into 
camp.  These  Avere :  1.  a  cavalry  Yager  corps,  2.  a  de- 
tached Grenadier  Bataillon,  3.  the  Wutginau  Regiment, 
4.  the  Benning  Rgmt.  5.  the  Wissenbach,  6.  the  Huyne, 
7.  the  Stein,  8.  the  Biinan  Regm't.  — 

4*  Novhr.,  Rail's  brigade  marched  to  Kings  bridge  into 
camp  near  the  Hessen  regm'ts,  which  had  just  come  from 
Hesse,  and  we  3  rgm'ts.  (s.  above)  pitched  our  camp  also 
here,  in  the  night,  and  lay  still,  waiting  for  Fort  Wash- 
ington to  be  taken,  which  is  not  yet.  — 

15.  Novhr.,  came  the  order  from  the  Headquarters  of 
the  English  General-field-marshal  Clinton,  that  Fort  Wash- 
ington should  be  captured  by  4  attacks :  3  by  the  English 
and  one  by  the  Hessians.  1.  General  Matthews,  2.  Col- 
lieutnant  Stirling,  3.  Lord  Percy,  4.  General  Von  Knip- 
hausen, near  whom  Col.  Rail  with  his  brigade  had  the 
avantgarde  on  the  North-port,  where  the  ship  of  war  lies 
and  is  to  protect  the  flank ;  another  ship  of  war  lay  at  the 
South-haven  and  is  to  protect  the  English  flank,  when  the 
thing  comes  off. 

17.  Novhr.,  in  the  morning  before  day-break,  all  the 
regiments  and  corps  were  assembled,  the  Hessians  on  the 
right  wing  at  the  north-haven ;  the  English  troops  upon 
the  left  wing  at  the  south-haven.    When  it  was  now  day 


230 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


and  the  Americans  perceived  us,  but  nothing  more  very 
plainly,  at  once,  these  two  ships  of  war,  on  both  sides, 
made  their  master-strokes  upon  the  fort,  and  we  began  at 
the  same  time  on  the  land  with  cannon,  and  all  the  regi- 
ments marched  forward  up  the  hill  and  were  obliged  to 
creep  along  up  the  rocks,  one  falling  down  alive,  another 
being  shot  dead.  We  were  obliged  to  drag  ourselves  by 
the  beech-tree  bushes  up  the  height  where  we  could  not 
really  stand.  At  last,  however,  we  got  about  on  the  top 
of  the  hill  where  there  were  trees  and  great  stones.  We 
had  a  hard  time  of  it  there  together.  Because  they  now 
had  no  idea  of  yielding.  Col.  Rail  gave  the  word  of  com- 
mand, thus :  '  All,  that  are  my  grenadiers,  march  for- 
wards ! '  All  the  drummers  struck  up  a  march,  the 
hautboy-players  blew.  At  once  all  that  were  yet  alive 
shouted,  '  Hurrah ! '  Immediately  all  were  mingled  to- 
gather,  Americans  and  Hessians.  There  was  no  more 
fireing,  but  all  ran  forward  pell-mell  upon  the  fortress. 
Before  we  came  up,  the  Americans  had  a  trench  about  the 
fortress,  as  soon  as  we  were  within  which,  the  order  came 
to  halt.  Then  the  Americans  had  a  mind  to  run  out 
through  us,  but  then  came  the  command :  '  Hold  !  you  are 
all  prisoners  of  war.'  The  fort  was  at  once  demanded  by 
Gen.  V.  Kniphausen.  The  Rebels  were  allowed  two 
hours  for  capitulating ;  when  they  were  expired,  the  fort 
was  surrendered  to  General  V.  Kniphausen  with  all  the 
munitions  of  war  and  provisions  belonging  thereto,  within 
and  without  the  fort ;  all  guns  and  arms  were  to  be  laid 
down,  and  when  all  this  was  done,  Ralls'  reg't.  and  the  old 
Lossberg,  being  made  to  form  into  two  lines  facing  each 
other,  they  were  required  to  march  out  between  the  two 
regiments  and  deposit  their  guns  and  other  weapons. 
Then  came  the  English  and  took  them  to  New  York  into 


AUTHORITIES 


231 


custody,  and  when  the  first  transport  was  off,  the  second 
marched  out  of  the  citadel  and  was  as  strong  as  the  first, 
and  they  also  were  conducted  to  New  York  into  confine- 
ment. And  when  all  this  was  got  through  with,  it  was 
night.  Thus  the  Hessians  took  possession  of  the  fort,  and 
the  rest  marched  again  round  to  Kingsbridge  into  our  old 
camp  we  had  before  stopped  so  long.  Then  came  the 
order  that  the  fort  should  be  called.  Fort  Kniphausen.  — 

[From  Translation  of  the  Original  MSS.  at  Cassel.    N.  Y.  Historical 
Society  Papers.] 

No.  60 

EXTRACT   FROM   THE   DIARY   OF   JOSEPH  WIEDESHSLAT, 
ENSIGN  IN  THE  HESSIAN  CONTINGENT 

Nov.  10.  Our  brigade  under  Col.  Rail,  Col.  Bose  who  first 
commanded  us  being  sick,  went  to  Kingsbridge,  to  rein- 
force Lieut.-Gen.  von  Knyphausen's  division.  Here  there 
was  a  hard  nut  to  crack.  The  enemy  had  built  a  fort, 
on  a  high,  rocky  mountain  fortified  by  nature,  which  they 
named  Fort  Washington.  Art  was  also  employed  to 
make  it  very  strong.  Without  possession  of  this  fort,  no 
communication  could  be  maintained  with  New  York,  nor 
could  there  be  any  further  advance  or  any  thought  of 
quiet  winter-quarters. 

11.  Early  in  the  morning  at  5  o'clock,  the  whole  divi- 
sion of  His  Excellency  Gen.  von  Knyphausen  moved  out 
to  attack  this  place.  It  began  to  rain  hard  however,  and 
consequently  nothing  was  done  this  time. 

14.  Gen.  Howe  arrived  with  the  whole  army  and  en- 
camped about  a  mile  behind  us.  Now  another  plan  was 
made  and  the 


232 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


16^*"  appointed  for  the  attack.  This  pay  has  done 
honor  to  us  Hessians,  which  every  brave  man  can  right- 
fully attribute  to  himself.  At  half-past  five  o'clock  in  the 
morning  we  went  over  Kingsbridge  to  York  Island, 
namely  the  following  regiments :  Knyphausen,  Huyn, 
Bienau,  Rail,  Lossberg  and  Waldeck,  were  joined  by 
Wutginau  and  the  grenadier  battalion  and  formed  two 
columns ;  the  column  on  the  right  consisted  of  Lossberg, 
Rail,  the  grenadier  battalion,  Kohler  and  Waldeck,  was 
led  by  Col.  Rail  and  was  stationed  in  a  wood  until  the 
appointed  time.  The  column  of  the  left  consisted  of  the 
regiments  —  Wutginau,  Knyphausen,  Huj'ne,  and  Bienau 
and  was  led  by  Maj.-Gen.  Schmid.  His  Excellency  Lieut.- 
Gen.  von  Knyphausen  commanded  the  whole  attack,  and 
he  was  at  all  times  to  be  found  where  the  resistance  and 
the  attack  were  hottest,  and  he  himself  laid  hold  of  the 
fences  to  take  some  of  them  down  and  to  spur  on  the 
men.  He  was  exposed  to  the  terrible  cannonade  and 
musketry,  as  well  as  to  the  rifle  shots,  like  a  common 
soldier,  and  indeed  so  much  so,  that  it  is  to  be  wondered 
at,  that  he  came  off  without  being  killed  or  wounded. 
The  avant-guard  of  the  column  of  the  right  consisted 
of  a  troop  of  jagers  and  100  men  prima  plana,  commanded 
by  I\Iajor  von  Dechow ;  the  avant-guard  of  the  column 
of  the  left  consisted  of  100  men,  commanded  by  Capt. 
]\Iedern  von  Wutginau,  in  which  were  I  and  Lieut, 
von  Lowenfeld.  Both  the  Captain  and  the  Lieutenant 
are  dead;  the  former  died  the  next  day,  but  the  latter 
remained  on  the  field.  I  am  still  living,  God  be  praised, 
and  came  off  quite  well,  with  the  exception  of  a  slight 
scratch  in  the  face,  made  by  a  small  branch  shot  off  from 
a  tree,  though  I  led  the  front  line  of  this  avant-guard, 
consisting  of  30  men  and  was  consequently  the  foremost. 


AUTHORITIES 


233 


I  was  here  reminded  of  the  old  proverb,  weeds  never  die. 
At  7  o'clock  a  violent  cannonade  was  opened,  to  engage 
the  attention  of  the  enemy,  so  that  they  should  not  know 
where  the  real  attack  was  to  be  made.  If  we  had  continued 
the  attack  already  commenced  at  the  time,  there  would 
not  have  been  a  third  part  of  those  lost,  that  were  after- 
wards actually  lost,  for  with  my  avant-guard  I  had 
already  advanced  quite  high  up  the  mountain,  when  Gen. 
von  Knyphausen  sent  me  orders  to  come  back.  In  the 
mean  time  Gen.  Howe  had  informed  him,  that  all  was 
not  yet  in  readiness  for  the  feigned  attack,  and  conse- 
quently he  would  have  to  delay  the  real  attack.  At  1^ 
o'clock  the  English  General  Lord  Percy,  with  2  English 
and  a  Hessian  brigade,  under  Maj.-Gen.  Stein,  —  namely  the 
Hereditary  Prince,  Donop  and  Mirbach,  attacked  the 
lines  lying  between  the  fort  and  New  York  and  carried 
them  without  great  loss,  having  only  2  wounded  and  the 
rebels  deserted  their  lines.  At  11  o'clock  the  boats  came 
down  the  Harlems  Creek,  with  2  brigades  of  English, 
to  make  a  descent  on  the  wood  lying  on  our  left,  and  to 
form  a  false  attack.  The  real  attack  was  now  begun  b}^ 
us,  and  we  found  the  flower  of  their  troops  and  their 
riflemen  all  on  a  rock  lying  before  us,  almost  inaccessible, 
surrounded  by  a  morass  and  by  three  abatis  one  above 
another;  notwithstanding  which  all  the  obstacles  were 
cleared  out  of  the  way,  the  abatis  broken  into,  the  morass 
waded  through,  the  rocks  scaled,  and  the  riflemen,  who 
were  seconded  by  a  heavy  fire  of  musketry  from  their 
intrenchments,  driven  off,  and  we  reached  this  so  fearful 
height  and  mountain,  pursued  the  enemy  retiring  behind 
their  lines  and  batteries,  drove  them  out  there  also,  took 
the  batteries,  one  of  which  lay  way  up  on  the  rock  and  fol- 
lowed the  fugitive  enemy  as  far  as  the  real  fort,  where 


234 


BATTLE  OF  HARLEM  HEIGHTS 


we  took  position  at  the  side  of  the  fort  on  the  declivity  of 
the  mountain,  in  order  to  be  secure  from  the  fire  of  the 
fort.  There  were  only  ours  and  Rail's  regiment.  The 
fort  was  summoned,  and  in  half  an  hour  2600  men 
marched  out  and  laid  down  their  arms  at  our  feet  and 
surrendered  themselves  to  his  Excellency  Lieut. -Gen.  von 
Knyphausen  (who  was  present  and  signed  the  capitula- 
tion) as  prisoners  of  war,  and  the  whole  fort  was  surren- 
dered with  all  the  munition,  provision  &c.  which  was 
considerable.  The  grenadier  battalion  Kohler  occupied 
the  fort  in  the  evening,  and  we  returned  to  our  camp, 
where  the  living  again  had  cause  to  thank  God  for  their 
preservation.  The  loss  of  the  Hessians  amounted  to 
more  than  300  men  killed  and  wounded.  Among  the 
dead  were  the  officers,  Capt.  Walther  of  Rail's  regiment 
and  Lieut,  von  Loewenfeld  of  the  Wutgenau  regiment ; 
of  the  deadly  wounded  were  Capt.  Barkhausen  of  the 
Knyphausen  and  Col.  von  Bork  from  the  same  regiment, 
Capt.  Meden  of  the  Wutgenau,  Lieut.  Briede  of  the 
Knyphausen,  Lieut.  Eude  of  the  Wutgenau;  Col.  von 
Bork  and  Lieut.  Briede  died  the  same  day,  and  all  the 
others  on  the  second  or  third  day.  Maj.  von  Dechow  of 
the  Knyphausen  and  Lieut.  Kiihn  of  the  Rail  were 
slightly  wounded. 

[From  Translation  of  the  Original  MSS.   N.  Y.  Historical  Society  Papers.] 


